Political Engagement, Attitude Formation, and Extremitization in the 2004 Presidential Election
In: American review of politics, Band 29, S. 19-48
ISSN: 1051-5054
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In: American review of politics, Band 29, S. 19-48
ISSN: 1051-5054
In: The journal of legislative studies, Band 13, Heft 4, S. 558-576
ISSN: 1743-9337
In: Political behavior, Band 26, Heft 1, S. 69-93
ISSN: 1573-6687
In: Political behavior, Band 26, Heft 1, S. 69
ISSN: 0190-9320
In: Social science quarterly, Band 87, Heft 4, S. 882-902
ISSN: 1540-6237
Objectives. Partisanship should affect evaluations of Congress just as it affects evaluations of the president, and these institutional evaluations should affect political trust. We argue that the relationship between partisanship and trust is dependent on partisan control of Congress and that much of party identification's influence on trust occurs indirectly through approval of governmental institutions.Methods. Using data collected before and after the 2002 congressional elections by the Center for Survey Research and Analysis at the University of Connecticut, we examine changes in frequency distributions and mean values for trust and institutional approval. We use multivariate regression models and a path model to estimate the causes of political trust and self‐perceived change in trust.Results. We find evidence that party control of government and party identification are important in explaining trust and institutional approval. The Republican takeover of the Senate led Republicans to evaluate the Senate more favorably and to become more trusting of the government, while having the opposite effect on Democrats.Conclusions. The changes in approval and trust resulting from the 2002 elections suggest that at least some segment of the population is cognizant of changes in the political environment and updates its views of government when the political environment changes.
In: Social science quarterly, Band 87, Heft 4
ISSN: 0038-4941
Objectives: Partisanship should affect evaluations of Congress just as it affects evaluations of the president, and these institutional evaluations should affect political trust. We argue that the relationship between partisanship and trust is dependent on partisan control of Congress and that much of party identification's influence on trust occurs indirectly through approval of governmental institutions. Methods: Using data collected before and after the 2002 congressional elections by the Center for Survey Research and Analysis at the University of Connecticut, we examine changes in frequency distributions and mean values for trust and institutional approval. We use multivariate regression models and a path model to estimate the causes of political trust and self-perceived change in trust. Results: We find evidence that party control of government and party identification are important in explaining trust and institutional approval. The Republican takeover of the Senate led Republicans to evaluate the Senate more favorably and to become more trusting of the government, while having the opposite effect on Democrats. Conclusions: The changes in approval and trust resulting from the 2002 elections suggest that at least some segment of the population is cognizant of changes in the political environment and updates its views of government when the political environment changes. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politics & policy: a publication of the Policy Studies Organization, Band 34, Heft 1, S. 66-93
ISSN: 1555-5623
In: Journal of political science education, Band 6, Heft 2, S. 95-116
ISSN: 1551-2177
In: Journal of political science education, Band 9, Heft 4, S. 379-402
ISSN: 1551-2177
In: Frontiers in political science, Band 4
ISSN: 2673-3145
Based on our observations and scholarship about how democratic norms are currently being undermined, we propose a model of fascist authoritarianism that includes authoritarianism, the production and exaggeration of threats, conspiracy-oriented propaganda adoption, and distrust of reality-based professions. We refer to this as the Fascist Authoritarian Model of Illiberal Democracy (FAMID) and argue that all components are essential for understanding contemporary antidemocratic movements. We demonstrate that all components of FAMID correlate with illiberal antidemocratic attitudes, that Republicans generally score higher than Democrats on the model components, and that all components significantly contribute to predicting illiberal antidemocratic attitudes. We find approximately equal support for both left-wing and right-wing illiberal antidemocratic attitudes. The fascist authoritarian model of illiberal democracy helps explain the basic mechanisms by which an authoritarian leader works to erode liberal democratic norms—and does a better job at doing so than simpler authoritarianism theories.