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The past decade has witnessed profound transformations in subnational territories engendered by a dramatic increase in natural resource extraction. Research to date has concentrated largely on why the transfer of extractive revenues often reinforces a 'local resource curse'; however, little work has been done on subnational governments' attempts to maximize the benefits and minimize the costs of mining expansion. Drawing on the literature on subnational governance in the context of resource extraction and neoliberal reforms, this study analyses the strategies – confrontational or collaborative – subnational political leaders pursue and the reasons why they pursue them. The findings are based on in-depth field research in two Peruvian subnational regions that are highly dependent on mineral extraction. More specifically, we examine the collaborative strategy pursued in one region and compare it with a confrontational strategy in another. Our analysis indicates that an interplay between institutional capacity and supporting coalitions affects whether subnational leaders undertake a collaborative or a confrontational approach. Based on our findings, we consider the likely effects of these strategies for regional development. By shifting the focus to the agency of subnational leaders, we make an essential contribution to debates about subnational governance in the realm of resource extraction.

This article attempts to answer the question: What is the potential of territorial planning to transform socio-environmental conflicts associated with the expansion of mining in Peru? Based on interviews and documents, the article shows that, for these mechanisms to contribute towards generating the conditions for sustainable development and transform socio-environmental conflicts, it will be necessary to integrate the granting of mining concessions with territorial planning, as well as improve the articulation between the diverse planning mechanisms within the Peruvian State. In addition, without a basic agreement about the nature and role of territorial planning it is unlikely that these processes will reinforce democratic forms of territorial governance. ; Este artículo pretende contestar la pregunta sobre cuál es la potencialidad del ordenamiento territorial para transformar los conflictos socioambientales asociados a la expansión de las actividades mineras en el Perú. Sobre la base de entrevistas y documentos, el artículo muestra que, para que estos mecanismos contribuyan a generar las condiciones para el desarrollo sostenible y transformar los conflictos socioambientales, será necesario conciliar los sistemas de otorgamiento de concesiones mineras y de ordenamiento territorial, así como articular mejor los diversos sistemas de planificación dentro del Estado. Además, se señala que, sin un acuerdo básico respecto a la naturaleza y el rol del ordenamiento territorial, será poco probable que estos procesos refuercen formas más democráticas de gobernanza territorial.

Presentación ; González Cruz, Fortunato ; Artículos ; Federalismo y Democracia: dos principios fundamentales desconocidos por la "reforma" constitucional rechazada en diciembre ; del 2007. ; Federalism and Democracy: two fundamental principles out of the proposal of Contitucional reform rejected on december 2007 ; Herrera Orellana, Luis Alfonso ; Mérida: Reserva de biosfera urbana. ; Merida: biosphera urban reserve. ; Briceño Ávila, Morella; Gil Scheuren, Beatríz María y Gómez, Luz ; Movimiento indígena y liderazgo político local en la Sierra ecuatoriana: ¿Actores políticos o proceso social? ; Indigenous movements, and local political leadership in the Ecuadorian "Sierra". Political actors or social process? ; Lalander, Rickard y Gustafsson, Maria-Therese ; La imagen de marca de las ciudades. ; The brand image of the citiy ; Tinto, José Antonio ; Arquitectura del Estado y el Gobierno en Venezuela ; State architecture and the goverment in Venezuela ; González Cruz, Fortunato ; Aplicación del modelo de cinturón verde en la ciudad de Caracas, Venezuela ; Application of the green belt model in the city of Caracas, Venezuela ; Llanos, Douglas y Almandoz,Arturo ; 57-90 ; rickard.lalander@helsinki.fi ; semestral ; Nivel analítico

The indigenous movement in Ecuador has combined social mobilization with political institutionalization. The organic relation between the social movement CONAIE and the political party (or movement) Pachakutik has been successful, but also complicated, giving rise to internal conflicts and fragmentation. In this study the relations between Pachakutik and CONAIE are analyzed at the local level in Otavalo and Cotacachi. The authors argue for the importance to analyze the organizational structures locally, since the indigenous movements has been strongest at this level. In Otavalo the ethnic tensions have been clearly manifested through rupture of the mayor, Mario Conejo who left Pachakutik and created a new political movement – Minga Intercultural-. The case of Cotacachi is likewise particular since an alliance is established between the mayor Auki Tituaña and the peasant movement, UNORCAC (with links to the Socialist Party). Drawing on an analytical framework of collective action and decentralization the authors argue that it is impossible to draw an exact line between what is the social and the political movement.

Climate change adaptation is increasingly being mainstreamed into all types of organizations across the world. A large number of intergovernmental organizations (IGOs), such as the European Union, the World Bank, or Food and Agriculture Organization, have already started to mainstream adaptation. Yet, despite a surge in scholarly interest in climate policy integration over the past decade, adaptation is still predominantly studied as a local issue and mainstreaming in IGOs remains poorly understood. In this article, we develop and test an innovative framework for examining adaptation mainstreaming practices in IGOs. Using quantitative and qualitative data derived from extensive fieldwork conducted between 2017 and 2020, we examine mainstreaming practices in a large number of IGOs and arrive at two key findings. First, adaptation has been mainstreamed within the procedures and outputs of IGOs across ten (nonclimate) issue areas, while there is also evidence of important issue-specific variation. Second, there is variation across mainstreaming practices in the sense that discursive mainstreaming is most common, whereas more concrete collaboration, policy change affecting projects and programs, and budget allocations are less common. We conclude with a discussion of how our framework can inform the theory and practice of global adaptation governance. ; Glocalizing Climate Governance (GlocalClim), funded by the Swedish Research Council for Sustainable Development (Formas, 2015-00948) ; "Mistra Geopolitics: Navigating a Secure and Sustainable Future era" (DIA 2016/11 #5)

AbstractIn recent years, binding regulations in the "home states" of corporations have emerged mainly in the Global North with the aim of holding corporations accountable for human rights and environmental impacts throughout their supply chains. However, we still need a better understanding about to what extent such regulations contribute to enhance "foreign corporate accountability (FCA)." This article introduces a special issue that theorizes and empirically investigates foreign accountability dynamics. We do so by advancing an analytical framework that conceptualizes FCA and identify important contextual conditions that help to explain accountability dynamics. Applying this framework, we show that the drafting, implementation, and enforcement of such regulations are highly political processes, wherein competing ideas embedded within unequal actor constellations and institutional environments shape the possibilities to achieve more transformative change. By theorizing and empirically investigating FCA dynamics, we contribute to advance debates about the sustainability governance of global supply chains.

AbstractIn the recent past, European states have adopted mandatory due diligence (MDD) laws for holding companies accountable for the environmental and human rights impacts of their supply chains. The institutionalization of the international due diligence norm into domestic legislation has, however, been highly contested. Our contribution analyzes the discursive struggles about the meaning of due diligence that have accompanied the institutionalization of MDD in Germany and France. Based on document analysis and legal analysis of laws and law proposals, we identify a state‐centric, a market‐based, and a polycentric‐governance discourse. These discourses are based on fundamentally different understandings of how the United Nations Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights should be translated into hard law. By outlining these discourses and comparing the related policy preferences, we contribute with a better understanding of different ways in which MDD is institutionalized, with important consequences for the possibilities to enhance corporate accountability in global supply chains.

Climate change adaptation is increasingly perceived as a global and interconnected policy challenge among practitioners and academics, making localized solutions insufficient. In parallel to this trend, a growing number of international organizations that do not have climate as their core mandates link adaptation to various issue areas, such as energy, health, and conflict resolution. Yet we still know little about how and why international organizations respond to adaptation challenges. This article develops an innovative theoretical framework to understand the factors that influence the governance responses of international organizations to adaptation challenges in the context of their respective issue areas. Our analysis reveals that there are three main and interrelated factors influencing international governance responses: problem complexity, institutional frag- mentation, and fiscal pressures. We examine our framework by drawing on of two sources of data: first, a yearly large-n dataset at the level of fourteen international organizations from 2007 to 2017 created on the basis of official documents; and second, in-depth case studies of three UN agencies central in addressing three prominent issue linkages: climate-conflict, climate-health, and climate-migration. We conclude by sketching broader im- plications for the theory and practice of global adaptation governance. ; Glocalizing Climate Governance (GlocalClim) ; Mistra Geopolitics – Navigating towards a Secure and Sustainable Future