Islamic radicalization in Russia: an assessment
In: International affairs, Band 86, Heft 1, S. 109-127
ISSN: 0020-5850
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In: International affairs, Band 86, Heft 1, S. 109-127
ISSN: 0020-5850
In: Cambridge review of international affairs, Band 22, Heft 3, S. 427-449
ISSN: 1474-449X
In: Global responsibility to protect: GR2P, Band 1, Heft 2, S. 156-184
ISSN: 1875-984X
AbstractThis paper is concerned with the invocation of the responsibility to protect (RtoP) in the face of the Myanmar authorities' problematic response to Cyclone Nargis. It is animated by four main questions: (1) What were the dynamics leading to calls for the application of the responsibility to protect? (2) In what ways did the invocation of the RtoP affect the provision of humanitarian assistance to cyclone survivors? (3) How has the international response to Cyclone Nargis compared to the way in which Western powers in particular have responded to Myanmar's armed ethnic conflict? (4) What implications and conclusions follow from the Myanmar case for putting RtoP into practice? The article argues that while the applicability of RtoP was much in doubt with respect to the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis, its principles nevertheless served as a rhetorical device for Western countries to influence both Naypyidaw and ASEAN as regards the practical need of facilitating humanitarian relief. Noting the available diplomatic support Myanmar enjoys in the UNSC, the paper suggests that the variation characterizing the international response to Myanmar's practices in the Ayeyawady delta and in the ethnic areas is also partly due to the different scale of fatalities and insufficient independent verification of claims regarding atrocity crimes. Generally, the Myanmar case has nevertheless accentuated the need for considering further what practical assistance regional and international actors can render to protect those that are or may become caught up in atrocities.
In: Contemporary Southeast Asia, Band 30, Heft 3, S. 351-378
ISSN: 0129-797X
ASEAN states have favoured diplomacy and peer pressure in order to sway Myanmar's military regime to release Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and other political detainees and to promote national reconciliation. So far, ASEAN's combined efforts have not been very successful, although the generals are moving Myanmar beyond extra-constitutional rule. This paper asks whether, in the aftermath of the September 2007 protests, the constitutional referendum and Cyclone Nargis, there is much scope for a new regional effort to promote reconciliation and democratization in Myanmar that is additional to the support ASEAN offers for the good offices of the United Nations Secretary General. The paper sets out different positions held within ASEAN on promoting political change in Myanmar. It also examines the prospects for putting into practice recent ideas to address Myanmar's political situation in new regional settings. The paper concludes that: (1) significant difference characterize the Myanmar policy of individual ASEAN countries in line with varying interests and pressures, and dissimilar views on what if anything should be done to help Myanmar democratize; (2) Indonesia is the only ASEAN country to have conceptualized a possible regional diplomatic initiative, but its full implementation and success are far from certain. (Contemp Southeast Asia/GIGA)
World Affairs Online
In: The Adelphi Papers, Band 46, Heft 381, S. 61-82
In: The Adelphi Papers, Band 46, Heft 381, S. 83-96
In: The Adelphi Papers, Band 46, Heft 381, S. 41-60
In: The Adelphi Papers, Band 46, Heft 381, S. 25-39
In: The Adelphi Papers, Band 46, Heft 381, S. 13-24
In: Millennium: journal of international studies, Band 34, Heft 2, S. 641-644
ISSN: 1477-9021
In: The Pacific review, Band 18, Heft 1, S. 43-69
ISSN: 1470-1332
In: Review of international studies: RIS, Band 31, Heft 1, S. 181-194
ISSN: 1469-9044
The works of Jürgen Habermas have amounted to an inspiration to many within IR. His writings on communicative rationality and communicative action are widely regarded as a useful counterpoint to the emphasis on instrumental rationality and strategic action. Also, Habermas has greatly influenced the development of Critical International Theory. However, as other contributions in this Forum demonstrate, IR scholars have at times found it difficult to apply Habermas to service their specific social scientific inquiries. In particular, it has been difficult to unequivocally locate communicative action in diplomatic exchanges or international negotiations. It is partly for this reason that the contributions of the so-called 'Third Generation' of Frankfurt School scholars have attracted increasing interest. Axel Honneth's attempts to reconstruct insights in relation to the struggle for recognition into a social theory (with critical intent) have to date been of particular importance in this context. Indeed, given the perceived difficulties in 'applying' Habermas, there appears to be an emerging trend to end the honeymoon with Habermas in favour of a reorientation toward Honneth.