Eurorecamp: an alternative model for EU security actorness
In: Studia diplomatica: Brussels journal of international relations, Band 63, Heft 3-4, S. 61-80
ISSN: 0770-2965
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In: Studia diplomatica: Brussels journal of international relations, Band 63, Heft 3-4, S. 61-80
ISSN: 0770-2965
World Affairs Online
In: Studia diplomatica: Brussels journal of international relations, Band 63, Heft 3, S. 61-81
ISSN: 0770-2965
In: Hagen , J & Haastrup , T 2020 , Global Racial Hierarchies and the Limits of Localization via National Action Plans . in S Basu , P Kirby & L J Shepherd (eds) , New Directions in Women, Peace and Security . Bristol University Press , Bristol , pp. 133-151 .
Recent explorations in International Relations (IR) have critiqued the explicit consideration of race within the discipline and in its practice despite its enduring presence as an ordering principle (Shillam, 2016). The starting point of these studies is that while "race and racism have been often side-lined to the margins of contemporary IR, such issues were in fact integrate to the birth of the discipline" (Anievas, Machanda and Shillam, 2015, p. 2). It is within this contemporary scholarship of race and racism that we locate our reflections about the practices of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda. This contribution reflects on how whiteness and white privilege are refracted in the narratives and practices WPS agenda through a focus on National Action Plans (NAPs). We consider who WPS is about and who it is for on the international stage. A central part of this investigation is interrogating whether NAPs are truly able to localize the international project of WPS or whether because of global racial hierarchies, they actually simply reinforce the status quo to then allow for the perpetuation of countries in a peaceful though militarized Global North to place countries in the insecure Global South in a position of always failing at WPS. We also examine the imagery used by different countries within their NAPs and its implications for WPS messaging by countries in the Global North.
BASE
In: Journal of common market studies: JCMS, Band 56, Heft 5, S. 1127-1143
ISSN: 1468-5965
AbstractHow does the European Union (EU) include 'gender' within its support to security sector reform (SSR) programmes? The EU has committed to include gender perspectives by implementing the Women, Peace and Security agenda (WPS) within its foreign security practices. While researchers and practitioners recognise the importance of integrating gender issues into SSR operational effectiveness, there is limited knowledge about how this functions within the EU's security architecture. This article uses Feminist Institutionalism (FI) to understand the process of gender mainstreaming within the EU's support to SSR programmes. It does this by using two crucial theory‐testing cases of SSR programmes – Ukraine and Afghanistan. It finds that the EU's ability to promote gender inclusive approaches to SSR is limited by the structure of the EU's own assumptions and capabilities, and institutional constraints in third countries. At the same time, the cases underscore the importance of individuals as agents of change.
How does the European Union (EU) include 'gender' within its support to security sector reform (SSR) programmes? The EU has committed to include gender perspectives by implementing the Women, Peace and Security agenda (WPS) within its foreign security practices. While researchers and practitioners recognise the importance of integrating gender issues into SSR operational effectiveness, there is limited knowledge about how this functions within the EU's security architecture. This article uses Feminist Institutionalism (FI) to understand the process of gender mainstreaming within the EU's support to SSR programmes. It does this by using two crucial theory-testing cases of SSR programmes – Ukraine and Afghanistan. It finds that the EU's ability to promote gender inclusive approaches to SSR is limited by the structure of the EU's own assumptions and capabilities, and institutional constraints in third countries. At the same time, the cases underscore the importance of individuals as agents of change.
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In this article, we want to understand the relationship between states and global health financing organizations and how they seek to advance human rights in their grant programs. We therefore ask: to what extent can global financing institutions shape human rights practices at the domestic level? The article uses the case study of the GFATM's experience of adopting human rights as an institutional norm and analyzes the implications for the institution's new role as a human rights actor within states. In particular, we argue that the institutional design of the institution impacts on the ability of the GFATM to substantively enhance human rights agendas within local health governance contexts.
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How does the European Union (EU) include 'gender' within its support to security sector reform (SSR) programmes? The EU has committed to include gender perspectives by implementing the Women, Peace and Security agenda (WPS) within its foreign security practices. While researchers and practitioners recognise the importance of integrating gender issues into SSR operational effectiveness, there is limited knowledge about how this functions within the EU's security architecture. This article uses Feminist Institutionalism (FI) to understand the process of gender mainstreaming within the EU's support to SSR programmes. It does this by using two crucial theory-testing cases of SSR programmes – Ukraine and Afghanistan. It finds that the EU's ability to promote gender inclusive approaches to SSR is limited by the structure of the EU's own assumptions and capabilities, and institutional constraints in third countries. At the same time, the cases underscore the importance of individuals as agents of change. © 2018 The Authors JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies published by University Association for Contemporary European Studies and John Wiley & Sons Ltd
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In: Contemporary security policy, Band 38, Heft 1, S. 102-108
ISSN: 1743-8764
In: Haastrup , T & Dijkstra , H 2017 , ' New directions for African security ' , Contemporary Security Policy , vol. 38 , no. 1 , pp. 102-108 . https://doi.org/10.1080/13523260.2017.1293392
African security, particularly conflict-related political violence, is a key concern in international relations. This forum seeks to advance existing research agendas by addressing four key themes: domestic politics and peacekeeping; security sector reform programs; peace enforcement; and the protection of civilians. Each of the articles in this forum makes a case for analyzing African agency when it comes to African security. As a way of introduction, this short article sets out the main debates and concludes by providing further directions for future research.
BASE
African security, particularly conflict-related political violence, is a key concern in international relations. This forum seeks to advance existing research agendas by addressing four key themes: domestic politics and peacekeeping; security sector reform programs; peace enforcement; and the protection of civilians. Each of the articles in this forum makes a case for analyzing African agency when it comes to African security. As a way of introduction, this short article sets out the main debates and concludes by providing further directions for future research
BASE
African security, particularly conflict-related political violence, is a key concern in international relations. This forum seeks to advance existing research agendas by addressing four key themes: domestic politics and peacekeeping; security sector reform programs; peace enforcement; and the protection of civilians. Each of the articles in this forum makes a case for analyzing African agency when it comes to African security. As a way of introduction, this short article sets out the main debates and concludes by providing further directions for future research. © 2017 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group.
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The result of the United Kingdom's referendum on leaving the EU, which was held on 23 June 2016, has profound geopolitical, economic, and social implications for Africa. This is all the more the case given the bilateral UK–Africa relationship and interregional Africa–EU relations.
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In: International Political Economy Series
In: International Political Economy Ser.
How are global crises, such as the current financial crisis, responded and dealt with? What are the consequences? Are there any links between regionalism and global crises in terms of stimuli, processes, and consequences? This edited volume brings together a range of examples to illustrate the development and importance of regional actors in the global governance of the political economy. Regionalising Global Crises highlights the regional level dynamics that exacerbate or contribute to solving the global economic crisis. It also explores the potential for change in the governance of the global political economy and international financial architecture by assessing the current and past financial crises through regional lenses. In particular, it addresses the debates that have emerged on the roles of regions and regional actors by undertaking empirical investigation of the impact of the crises on Africa, Europe, BRICS, and East Asia and their reactions to those events. As such it will provide an important empirical and methodological resource for students, researchers and practitioners with an interest in regional actors, comparative regionalism and international political economy
In: International political economy series
How are global crises, such as the current financial crisis, responded and dealt with? What are the consequences? Are there any links between regionalism and global crises in terms of stimuli, processes, and consequences? This edited volume brings together a range of examples to illustrate the development and importance of regional actors in the global governance of the political economy. Regionalising Global Crises highlights the regional level dynamics that exacerbate or contribute to solving the global economic crisis. It also explores the potential for change in the governance of the global political economy and international financial architecture by assessing the current and past financial crises through regional lenses. In particular, it addresses the debates that have emerged on the roles of regions and regional actors by undertaking empirical investigation of the impact of the crises on Africa, Europe, BRICS, and East Asia and their reactions to those events. As such it will provide an important empirical and methodological resource for students, researchers and practitioners with an interest in regional actors, comparative regionalism and international political economy.
In: Critical studies on security, Band 9, Heft 1, S. 27-30
ISSN: 2162-4909