Suchergebnisse

This article examines creative ways in which Israeli and Palestinian activists engage with each other and the powers seeking to separate them in their nonviolent struggles for a just and lasting peace. Using the geopolitical theory of territoriality, the article briefly examines a number of administrative, physical, and psychological barriers facing joint activism and the strategies activists use to counteract them. Drawing on nonviolent theory and practice, the article analyzes how activists exert power through the creative use of symbols and practices that undermine the legitimacy of occupation policies. Based on fieldwork conducted in 2004—05 and July 2006, the article explores the implications of this activism on conceptions of identity, and strategies for restarting a moribund peace process. The relative `success' of sustained joint action in Bil'in can provide scholars and policymakers with innovative approaches for addressing some of the outstanding issues needing to be addressed by official negotiators. Although government bodies are more constrained than activists, the imaginative means of engaging with the system — and the reframing of issues through the redeployment of `commonplaces' — can perhaps provide inspiration, if not leverage, for thinking outside of the box.

Natural resource issues provide a useful context for analysing and intervening in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict because environmental destruction harms both Israelis and Palestinians given their close proximity in a small, ecologically fragile landscape. This article argues that because Israeli and Palestinian national narratives both assume a special relationship between their peoples and the land, a traditional natural resources management (NRM) approach treating land as a finite resource to be 'managed' or divided will not help to resolve the issue. Instead, politicians, scholars and practitioners should draw upon the principles of conflict transformation in designing intervention strategies and work to create a new 'ecological' narrative that weaves the long-term wellbeing of the two peoples together with the environment. Looking at the conflict over land in one location along the route of the separation barrier, the author applies a natural resource transformation framework in analysing the land conflict between Israeli authorities, the settlement of Zufin and the villagers of Jayyous.

Natural resource issues provide a useful context for analysing and intervening in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict because environmental destruction harms both Israelis and Palestinians given their close proximity in a small, ecologically fragile landscape. This article argues that because Israeli and Palestinian national narratives both assume a special relationship between their peoples and the land, a traditional natural resources management (NRM) approach treating land as a finite resource to be 'managed' or divided will not help to resolve the issue. Instead, politicians, scholars and practitioners should draw upon the principles of conflict transformation in designing intervention strategies and work to create a new 'ecological' narrative that weaves the long-term wellbeing of the two peoples together with the environment. Looking at the conflict over land in one location along the route of the separation barrier, the author applies a natural resource transformation framework in analysing the land conflict between Israeli authorities, the settlement of Zufin and the villagers of Jayyous. Adapted from the source document.

This study examines and compares the important work on global human rights advocacy done by religious NGOs and by secular NGOs. By studying the similarities in how such organizations understand their work, we can better consider not only how religious and secular NGOs might complement each other but also how they might collaborate and cooperate in the advancement of human rights. However, little research has attempted to compare these types of NGOs and their approaches. NGOs and Human Rights explores this comparison and identifies the key areas of overlap and divergence. In so doing, it lays the groundwork for better understanding how to capitalize on the strengths of religious groups, especially in addressing the world's many human rights challenges. This book uses a new dataset of more than three hundred organizations affiliated with the United Nations Human Rights Council to compare the extent to which religious and secular NGOs differ in their framing, discussion, and operationalization of human rights work. Using both quantitative analysis of the extensive data collected by the authors and forty-seven in depth interviews conducted with members of human rights organizations in the sample, Charity Butcher and Maia Carter Hallward analyze these organizations' approaches to questions of culture, development, women's rights, children's rights, and issues of peace and conflict.

This new textbook introduces key mechanisms and issues in international conflict management and engages students with a comprehensive interdisciplinary approach to mitigating, managing, and transforming international conflicts. The volume identifies key historical events and international agreements that have shaped and defined the field of international conflict management, as well as key dilemmas facing the field at this juncture. The first section provides an overview of key mechanisms for international conflict management, such as negotiation, mediation, nonviolent resistance, peacekeeping, peacebuilding, transitional justice, and reconciliation. The second section tackles important cross-cutting themes, such as technology, religion, the economy, refugees and migration, and the role of civil society, examining how these issues contribute to international conflicts and how they can be leveraged to help address such conflicts. Each chapter includes a brief historical overview of the evolution of the issue or mechanism, identifies key theoretical and practical debates, and includes case studies, discussion questions, website links, and suggested further reading for further study and engagement. By providing a mixture of theory and practical examples, this textbook provides students with the necessary background to navigate this interdisciplinary field.

Intro -- Acknowledgments -- Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Chapter 1: Introduction -- Why Do Some Countries in Crisis Receive More International Attention? -- Context: Current Conflicts in Syria and Yemen -- Justifying Case Comparison -- Syrian Conflict: Born Out of the Uprisings -- Yemen Conflict: Continuation of Past Tensions -- References -- Chapter 2: International Laws and Norms and Intervention in Syria and Yemen -- Legal Basis for Intervention -- Intervention by Invitation -- Intervention for International Peace and Security -- Intervention for Humanitarian Purposes -- Conclusions -- References -- Chapter 3: International Relations Theories and Global Attention to Syria and Yemen -- Great Power Interests -- Structural Inequalities: Economic, Social, and Geographic -- National Security Framing: Refugee Flows, Terrorism, and Border Threats -- Type of Military Involvement -- Role of the Media in Intervention -- Conclusions -- References -- Chapter 4: Comparing Coverage in Syria and Yemen: Quantitative Analysis -- Analysis and Results -- Comparison of Reporting Sources and Articles on Syria in Yemen -- Refugees -- Humanitarian Aid -- Use of Force by State and Nonstate Actors -- Conclusions -- References -- Chapter 5: Comparing Coverage in Syria and Yemen: Qualitative Analysis -- Humanitarian Issues and International Law -- Humanitarian Framing by Conflict Parties -- Humanitarian Framing by External Actors -- Presence of UN Officials -- Use of Force by State and Nonstate Actors -- Use of Force by Actor -- Use of Force by State Actors -- Use of Force by Nonstate Actors -- Conclusions -- References -- Chapter 6: Conclusion: Media Attention and the Erosion of Humanitarian Norms in the Face of "Security"? -- Areas for Future Research -- References -- Index.

When the Abraham Accords were announced in 2020, some lauded these deals as a groundbreaking advancement in Israeli–Arab relations, whereas others saw them as backstabbing the Palestinians. The 2002 Arab Peace Initiative (API), largely ignored by Israel, offered normalized relations with Israel in exchange for withdrawal from the 1967 Occupied Territories, the establishment of a Palestinian state, and a resolution to the Palestinian refugee situation. However, the four Arab states that established relations with Israel under the aegis of the Abraham Accords did so despite Israel's failure to fulfill API conditions. Given the dismay of many in the region regarding this move and the turnaround in decades of official policy toward Israel, this article investigates the rationale provided by the Arab states for making this diplomatic shift, drawing on quantitative and qualitative data. The study examines the messaging of Arab states and analyzes the economic, geostrategic, and sociocultural justifications in the official media outlets of the four states—the UAE, Bahrain, Morocco, and Sudan, including comparisons with US and UK press. Specifically, it seeks to understand the justifications Arab state elites provided for shifting their policies toward Israel despite the historical conditions set by the API and whether they acknowledge the concerns of Palestinians in their discussion of the Accords. Quantitative findings suggest that media coverage of cooperation varied across the Arab signatories. The coverage in the UAE and Bahrain tended to be more frequent, optimistic, and focused on general and economic cooperation with Israel. In comparison, there tended to be more varied media coverage of the Accords in Sudan and Morocco. Qualitatively, results show that overall economic justifications tended to be used more frequently, and Morocco used sociocultural explanations more than others. Further, the agreements were not presented as peace agreements, unlike how the Accords were discussed in the US and UK press.