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AbstractAl-Khumayni is the first Iranian Supreme Leader had a big hand in the Iranian revolution. He was born on 24 September 1902 in Khomein, Markazi Province. Together with his followers in the city of Qum, al-Al-Khumayni began to build a political base against the royal family especially the Shah of Iran Mohammed Reza Pahlavi, who later became an important part of the power steering Iran's Islamic Revolution. The main weapon held by al-Khumayni was political speeches capable of moving masses in large numbers so as to make future milestone Iranian empire felled. He was a great orator capable of sorting out the words and put them into a strand of pearls that evoke a spirit listeners to dissolve in their struggle against the Iranian royal family and American intervention. The style of language in his speech (Uslub Khithaby) which was the rhetorical speech trigger the urge author to analyze it more deeply through one of his speeches was phenomenal "American intervention in Iranian affairs".---AbstractAl-Khumayni is the first Iranian Supreme Leader had a big hand in the Iranian revolution. He was born on 24 September 1902 in Khomein, Markazi Province. Together with his followers in the city of Qum, al-Al-Khumayni began to build a political base against the royal family especially the Shah of Iran Mohammed Reza Pahlavi, who later became an important part of the power steering Iran's Islamic Revolution. The main weapon held by al-Khumayni was political speeches capable of moving masses in large numbers so as to make future milestone Iranian empire felled. He was a great orator capable of sorting out the words and put them into a strand of pearls that evoke a spirit listeners to dissolve in their struggle against the Iranian royal family and American intervention. The style of language in his speech (Uslub Khithaby) which was the rhetorical speech trigger the urge author to analyze it more deeply through one of his speeches was phenomenal "American intervention in Iranian affairs".

Abstract: The Influence of Dutch East Indies Politics and Law on Islamic Law Legislation in Indonesia. Dutch East Indies politics and law is based on the interests of Dutch colonialism in Indonesia. At the start, the Dutch exercised a compromising brand of politics and law, however this was less than advantageous. Then, in its growth, the Dutch executed confrontational politics and law, which, evidently, was effective in swaying their power. Afterwards, Indonesia became independent in 1945. It turns out that confrontational thinking, as exhibited in the politics and law of the Dutch East Indies, had an influence on the Indonesian nation. They often rejected efforts to legislate Islamic law into the national legal system for a number of types of reasons. This article aims to examine the progression of Dutch colonial politics and law and its influence on the production of Indonesian Islamic politics and law over the course of independence.Keywords: law and politics, Islamic law, Adat law, Dutch East Indies, conflictAbstrak: Politik Hukum Hindia Belanda dan Pengaruhnya Terhadap Legislasi Hukum Islam di Indonesia. Politik hukum Hindia Belanda didasarkan pada kepentingan penjajahan mereka atas Nusantara (Indonesia). Pada awalnya Belanda menempuh politik hukum kompromistis, namun kurang menguntungkan. Lalu, dalam perkembangannya Belanda menjalankan politik hukum konfrontatif yang ternyata efektif dalam melanggengkan kekuasaan mereka. Setelah Indonesia merdeka 1945, ternyata cara berpikir konfrontatif seperti dalam politik hukum Hindia Belanda berpengaruh bagi sebagian bangsa Indonesia. Sering mereka menolak upaya legislasi hukum Islam ke sistem hukum nasional dengan pelbagai macam alasan. Tulisan ini berupaya mengelaborasi perjalanan politik hukum penjajah Belanda dan pengaruhnya dalam perkembangan politik hukum Islam Indonesia pada masa kemerdekaan.Kata Kunci: politik hukum, hukum Islam, hukum adat, Hindia Belanda, konflikDOI: 10.15408/ajis.v12i1.972

This research is interested in exploring the seeds of the Sunni political thought during the era of Islamic kingdom in Indonesia. Many have argued that the Islam that has finally prevailed in the country is a Sunni Islam. Accepting this proposition would mean that the political ideals that the early Muslim kings in the land adopted are necessarily Sunni. The forms and contents of these ideals will be the task of this paper to discover. The paper however argues that whatever form the ideals have taken, the Indonesian version of Sunni politics has most likely been developed around power. In other words, the ulama and the princes are two sides of the same coin. While the ulama need the support of the princes to disseminate the Sunni doctrine, the later needs the support of the former for the legitimacy of his authority. The paper hence maintains that there has been no any form of separation between religion and politics in the early history of Indonesian Islam.

"Islamic State versus National State" was a heated political issue throughout the 1950s that created highly tense and dividing debates among Indonesia's political communities. President Soekarno, a leading proponent of National State, raised this issue for the first time in his speech in Amuntai on January 27th, 1953. The present paper contends that this speech was crucial for the political discourse contestations that followed between the religiously-neutral Nasionalist camp and the Islamic camp. The former argued against the latter's idea of building an Islamic state in Indonesia and proposed instead, a secular state that guarantees the right of its citizens to observe their religious teachings. The value of Soekarno's speech could be seen from reactions it generated from the supporters of Islamic State who called it a smear campaign and a doctrine dangerous to their struggle to erect an Islamic state in Indonesia.

Apart from government's role, it is necessary to implement the development program by participatory contribution of stakeholders which is among others from non-governmental organization (NGO). One of development programs implemented from national level up to village level through constellation of government institution and NGO is PIDRA. At village level, both constellations were represented by field technical assistant of government institution and facilitator of NGO to which it employed synergic activities with community. The implementation of PIDRA Program brought positive impact on community empowerment in terms of capacity building and institutional development. Hence, experimental experience of PIDRA Program is strategically implemented in other program sites based on participatory collaborative management.

The village is one of the supporting elements in the government system. The government has allocated large amounts of village funds to improve infrastructure, economy, education and community welfare. The village head is the person who is responsible for community welfare and village development. However, unfortunately the village head has even become the perpetrator of fraud in the form of corruption. This shows that the village head, as the leader, does not have a high sense of integrity. The formulation of the problem in this study is how to guard village funds as the implementation of an anti-fraud program to prevent corruption of village funds. The research method used is qualitative research using secondary data. The results of this study show that guarding village funds as the implementation of an anti-fraud program to prevent corruption of village funds can be done by forming a special supervisory agency for village fund management, channeling village funds by one ministry, evaluating by several ministries related to village funds, optimizing the duties of law enforcement officers, and providing education to villagers about corruption.

The word 'competition' in economic terminology means the
independence of business actions opted by different sellers of the same
product. However, in context of the telecom industry, the same word has
opposite connotation-interdependence among competing service providers.
The reason is that "the telecom system must work as a single system
[because] users desire end to end services within an apparently
'seamless' communication network. They want connectedness and
connectability" [Melody (1997), p. 53]. Therefore, to attract users, a
new entrant in the industry, while intending to compete with the
incumbent monopoly operator, has to ensure interconnection arrangements
with the latter.

The study tries to unfold how the Kashmir conflict is constructed in the Pakistani media after the abrogation of Article 370 of the Indian Constitution. To understand the media discourse a Critical discourse analysis of the news stories published about Indian held Kashmir (i.e. that part of the former princely state of Jammu and Kashmir occupied by India post the 1947 partition, notably the valley of Kashmir) in the e-paper of Dawn was carried out. The findings reveal a distinctive narrative strategy employed by Pakistani media in response to the abrogation of Article 370. This strategy accentuates the negative aspects of the Indian government's actions in Kashmir while simultaneously highlighting the voices of Kashmiris advocating for their right of self-determination. The findings also indicated that media discourse revolved around challenging the legitimacy of the Indian Parliament's act of abrogating Article 370 and also focused on the casualties and losses which took place as a result of clashes between the Indian security forces and the Kashmiri separatist fighters. The media also gave significance to social media trends about Indian held Kashmir and also to posts of Kashmiri and Pakistani politicians. Negative actor description was used to highlight Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)'s propaganda regarding the return of normalcy in the Indian held Kashmir whereas positive actor description was used for the Kashmiri separatist fighters.

The Indonesian government has initiated a big-push strategy to make crude palm oil (CPO) the main commodity for its biofuel mandates. However, this strategy has resulted in many environmental and political concerns. One case worth noting is the alleged rainforest burning in Papua by Korea-Indonesia conglomerate company named Korindo at the end of 2020. This case raised public concern over the environmental preserving effort at one of the most extensive natural rainforests globally, which is essential for Indonesia's biodiversity and climate actions. Moreover, Korindo has also allegedly correlated to human rights abuses, mainly in the form of land-grabbing and the utilization of police force in the plantation area. Using state-business relations as its framework, this paper argues that even Korindo does not comply with sustainability measures, it can still sell its CPO to Indonesia's biofuel market due to increasing demand from biofuel mandates. Keyword(s): CPO, Biofuel, Korindo, State-Business Relations