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This book provides a complete guide to the design, procurement, installation and testing procedures for local area networks (LANs) using both copper and optical fibre cable technology. International, European and American LAN and premises cabling standards are explained and compared including the latest Category 5, Category 6 and Category 7 proposals. The latest standards in testing, electromagnetic compatibility (EMC) compliance and fire safety are also covered in detail. By describing the theory as well as the practical issues involved, this book is an unrivalled source of information for those who need to understand, at a time of very rapid change, the complexities of today's office-based LANs. British courses such as City and Guilds course 3466, Copper and Optical Communications C & G courses in Telecommunications and Electronics Engineering 2720, 2760 and 3478 NVQ and SNVQ courses on copper and fibre communications technology, levels one to five Future qualifications to be developed by the European Institute of Telecommunications Engineering and the European Intelligent buildings group American Certified Electronics Technician, Certified Fiber Optics Installer, Certified Network Systems Technician and Telecommunications Electronics Technician courses BICSI courses such as RCDD where the book's coverage of European and international standards is very useful BTEC and BSc courses on electronic and communications engineering In addition it is a valuable resource for IT managers, consultants, cable installation engineers and system designers who need to understand the technology and physics behind the subject and the huge range of standards that apply to cable engineering

What is it like to be a partisan? How do individuals experience their relationship to political parties? The most common answer today, both in popular discourse and much political science, isidentity, but many individuals do not identify with parties. Rather, they relate to parties in terms of psychologicalclosenessor affinity—they do not say "we" about the party, as do identifiers, but rather "they." In this article, I argue that both the empirical and normative study of partisanship would be improved by recognizing that these are two fundamentally different ways for individuals to be attached to parties and that these distinct experiences coexist within most democracies today. Acknowledging this basic plurality of partisanships would remedy the current tendency among empirical studies to homogenize partisanship as either identity or closeness and so would avoid falsifying the experience of many citizens who fall into the opposite category. In polarized contexts, moreover, it could help break up dualistic and antagonistic thinking about how to perform partisanship and diversify public understandings of how to be a partisan. Recognizing the plurality of partisanships would also improve the explosion of normative theorizing about partisanship found in the ground-breaking work of scholars like Nancy Rosenblum, Russell Muirhead, and Jonathan White and Lea Ypi. I show how identity and closeness partisanship—and the interaction between them—have transformative consequences for each of these scholars' theories of partisanship, either furthering or threatening them. The article aims to improve the conceptualization of partisanship and to model a salutary engagement between normative and empirical inquiry within political science.

Is voting a duty of democratic citizenship? This article advances a new argument for the existence of a duty to vote. It argues that every normative account of electoral representation requires universal turnout to function in line with its own internal normative logic. This generates a special obligation for citizens to vote in electoral representative contexts as a function of the role morality of democratic citizenship. Because voting uniquely authorizes office holding in representative democracies, and because universal turnout contributes powerfully to representation being fair, to be a good citizen of such democracies requires one to vote. Whereas previous arguments for a duty to vote have invoked basic moral principles like fairness or a Samaritan duty of rescue, this account is based on citizens occupying a vital functional role within electoral representative institutions. This institutional duty solves the "specificity problem" of justifying a duty to vote better than competing accounts and also immunizes the duty to objections that there is no duty to vote when there are only bad choices and that there is a no duty to vote but rather duty to vote well. By emphasizing the tight connection between institutions and individual conduct, the role morality approach used here supplies a less abstract and more realistic framework than much previous research on the ethics of democratic citizenship and brings the debate closer to constitutive features of democratic politics.

AbstractThis article describes how issue specialization through deliberative institutions called "issue publics" can improve the quality of democratic decision making. Issue specialization improves decisions by instantiating a cognitive division of labor among the mass public, which creates efficiencies in decision making and grants large groups of average citizens a scalable advantage over small groups of even the smartest and most capable individuals. Issue specialization further improves decisions by capturing issue‐specific information, concentrating it within the specialized deliberative enclaves of issue publics, and refining citizens' issue preferences. These advantages are brought to bear in wider democratic politics and policy through information shortcuts and through the specialized electoral incentives of representatives. The article responds to concerns about political ignorance, polarization/partisanship, rent seeking, and socioeconomic bias and argues that issue specialization can provide a valuable brake to polarization yet needs institutional supplementation to engage marginalized citizens and combat bias.

This article examines temporary labour migration to Moscow from 1971 to 1991, paying particular attention to relationships between state actors and young migrant workers. State officials not only provided young workers with housing and educational opportunities but also fostered Soviet socialist values among the young workers. The policies of Glasnost and Perestroika altered this relationship since state policies shifted towards embracing neoliberal practices. Such practices diminished social security for young migrants, leaving this once important social group vulnerable in a time of economic uncertainty.

As Asia considers greater harmonization and integration of its financial systems, it would be well-advised to consider the experience of Europe, particularly the eurozone. There are many lessons to be drawn from Europe about how to implement such integration, mostly negative. It is particularly evident that moving to a currency union had major unanticipated consequences for the ability to manage integration of financial systems within the eurozone. Monetary union sharply reduced the ability of the member states of the eurozone to manage their macroeconomic and macroprudential policies to preserve financial stability. Even setting aside these additional problems created by monetary union, Europe suffered substantial harm from integrating its financial systems so closely in many ways, while simultaneously establishing only very weak coordinating mechanisms among their national financial supervisors. It was also a mistake to forbid the European Central Bank from operating formally as a lender of last resort in a financial crisis. Europe's experiences should not dissuade Asia from seeking appropriate further harmonization and integration. However, they do argue strongly for Asia to take the kind of careful, step-by-step, long-term approach for which many of the countries within Asia are well known. In particular, Asia should only move forward to the extent that it is willing to take the necessary steps toward common supervisory approaches, information sharing, and cooperation in crises. Trying to have the benefits of integration without the responsibilities would be a recipe for future disaster.