This paper is concerned with the social and cultural constructions of male rape in voluntary agencies, England. Using sociological, cultural, and post-structural theoretical frameworks, mainly the works of Foucault, I demonstrate the ways in which male rape is constructed and reconstructed in such agencies. Social and power relations, social structures, and time and place shape their discourses, cultures, and constructions pertaining to male rape. This means that constructions of male rape are neither fixed, determined, nor unchanging at any time and place, but rather negotiated and fluid. I theorize the data—which was collected through semi-structured interviews and qualitative questionnaires—including male rape counselors, therapists, and voluntary agency caseworkers. The theoretical and conceptual underpinnings that frame and elucidate the data contribute to sociological understandings of male rape.
Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore whether the voluntary sector meets male rape victims' needs in England, UK. The author's contribution represents an attempt to piece together some of the voluntary sector's responses to male rape victims in England, UK and examine whether they meet male rape victims' needs.
Design/methodology/approach The author draws on data collected from semi-structured interviews and qualitative questionnaires with male rape counsellors, therapists and voluntary agency caseworkers (n=70).
Findings The findings reveal nuanced themes that have been overlooked in the existing literature of male rape: first, male rape victims are not given a choice of their voluntary agency practitioner (regarding gender) to serve them; second, there is no specific training on male rape in voluntary agencies; third, the impact of limited resources and funding in the voluntary sector means that many male rape victims' needs are unmet; and finally, there is ageism and discrimination in some voluntary agencies, whereby male rape victims are prioritised in terms of their age.
Research limitations/implications Methodologically, the author's sample size was not considerably large (n=70), making it difficult to generalise the findings to all voluntary agency practitioners in a British context.
Practical implications At a time of scarce funding and scant resources for the third sector, the impact of limited resources and funding in the voluntary sector could mean that male rape victims may not receive proper care and treatment. Budget cuts in the third sector are problematic, in that voluntary agencies may be unable to get access to robust training programs for male rape or to resources that can help shape and develop the ways in which they serve male rape victims. The needs of male rape victims, therefore, are unlikely to be met at the local, regional and national levels.
Social implications Some practitioners are misinformed about male rape and do not have the tools to be able to adequately and efficiently handle male rape victims. Not only can their lack of understanding of male rape worsen male rape victims' trauma through inappropriate ways of handling them, but also the practitioners may implicitly reinforce male rape myths, such as "male rape is solely a homosexual issue" or "men cannot be raped".
Originality/value Whilst previous contributions have recognised the third sector's responses to female rape victims, little work has been done to identify their treatment of male rape victims. The author attempts to fill some of this lacuna. In particular, The author draws attention to some of the issues and dilemmas that arise when voluntary agencies provide services for male victims of rape. The author's concern is that many male rape victims' needs may be neglected or ignored because of the rise in neoliberalism, as there appears to be a financial meltdown in the voluntary sector.
This paper adopts the theoretical framework of hegemonic masculinity to elucidate and make sense of male sexual victimisation. Critically evaluating the empirical data, which comprises of police officers and practitioners in voluntary agencies (N = 70), that this paper offers, I argue that gender expectations, hegemonic masculinities and sexism prevail in societies, state and voluntary agencies. It has been found that, because male rape victims embody subordinate masculinities, they are marginalised as 'abnormal' and 'deviant'. They are, in other words, classified as the 'other' for challenging and contradicting hegemonic masculinity, disrupting the gender order of men. Consequently, male sexual victimisation is not taken seriously in services, policy and practice, whilst the victims of this crime type are relegated in the gender hierarchy. As a result, male rape victims suffer a 'masculinity crisis' in the context of male rape. This paper attempts to open up a dialogue regarding male rape and male sexual assault, to challenge hegemonic masculinity, and to bring male rape 'out of the closet'.
This paper provides a critical review of the literature surrounding male rape, aimed at exploring how male rape myths shape society's responses and attitudes to male victims of rape and integrates the literature from a theory driven perspective. In doing so, this theoretical paper reveals information relating to the barriers to recognition of male rape. These barriers are male rape myths that prevent male rape victims from coming forward and seeking the support that they merit. There has been a lack of research on male rape myths, although some research has documented such myths to be present in practice. These myths could be harmful because they may influence societies' opinions of male rape victims, so this could affect the treatment and responses toward such victims. To understand and explain such myths so some attempt can be made at eradicating them, this paper will explore common male rape myths that seem to be prevalent in Western society. This paper will examine male rape myths in the areas of media, incarcerated settings, and the wider community, focusing on England and Wales, UK. This is important to do to recognise which myths are harmful and are facilitating the under-reporting of male rape. This paper will help raise awareness of male rape myths and not only attempt to tackle them, but also encourage male rape victims to come forward to report and seek the help that they merit. It will also address the gaps in the literature and areas ripe for research, so further empirical research can be conducted on male rape, highlighting ideas for future research and providing guidance in areas most needed in research on male rape.
This theoretical and conceptual article critically examines the issue of male rape in England and Wales, United Kingdom. Bringing different studies together from disparate disciplines reveal that men's experiences of rape and sexual assault are similar to women's sexual assaults and rapes, although there are some gendered differences as to how men deal with these crimes, particularly in regard to men's willingness to report to officials and masculine ways wherein some men frame their experiences. To understand men's experiences of rape and sexual assault, the theoretical frameworks of symbolic interactionism and hegemonic masculinity are used. I argue that men draw on "masculine" behaviors to cope with their victimization, and hegemonic masculinity constructs and shapes men's experiences of rape. The analysis in this article is vital to understand how men respond and cope with rape, and it encourages further theoretical and empirical research on this neglected issue in England and Wales, United Kingdom. This article contributes theoretically to discourses on unacknowledged and unreported rape, and also to a broader literature on non-reported crime.
Abstract When Taliban were fighting against USSR, America, Pakistan and Western bloc along with many other countries of the world gave them moral and material support. They were given the name of Mujahideen and their struggle against USSR was considered as 'holy war'. They also developed a strong narrative that impressed not only Mujahideen but the outer world also. However, after the disintegration of USSR, they were left unattended; therefore, they also changed their direction and started their struggle against imperialism and non Muslim Europe and especially America. After the incident of 9/11 USA along with her allies launched a war against them labeling them as terrorists. However there is a point of view that they cannot be completely defeated with military force. Their ideology or narrative that has become very strong should also be encountered. Key Words: Terrorism, narrative, Pakistan, Afghanistan, al-Qaida
1 Chapter 1: Setting the Context 9 1.1 Introduction 9 1.1.1 Problem Statements, Relevance and Research Questions 12 1.2 Research Methodology and Data Analysis 18 1.2.1 Research Methodology 19 1.2.2 Data Collection and Sources 20 1.2.3 Data Presentation and Analysis 21 1.3 Thesis Structure 22 2 Chapter 2: Emergence, Status and Legitimacy of AJK: Does Democracy Need Sovereignty? A Debate 26 2.1 Introduction 26 2.2 State, Statehood and Sovereignty 27 2.2.1 Forms of Statehood 31 2.2.2 Quasi-States, de facto States and disputed territories 32 2.2.3 Emergence and Status of Azad Jammu & Kashmir 35 2.2.4 What does the Indian Constitution Say? 42 2.2.5 What does the Constitution of Jammu & Kashmir Say? 43 2.2.6 What does the Interim Constitution Act 1974 of AJK say? 44 2.2.7 What does Pakistan's Constitution say? 45 2.3 Democracy versus Sovereignty: Does democracy need sovereignty? 47 2.4 Conclusion 51 3 Chapter-3: Azad Jammu & Kashmir: Historical, Constitutional and Political Perspectives 53 3.1 Introduction 53 3.2 The State and Colonial Legacy 54 3.2.1 History at a Glance 54 3.2.2 The Independence Act 1947 and Indian States 57 3.2.3 The Sovereign and Independent Period: 10 Weeks Interregnum 62 3.2.4 Poonch Rebellion, Tribal Invasion and the Issue of Accession 64 3.2.5 Kashmir: United Nations' Resolutions and Self-Determination 70 3.3 The Territory and the Politics 76 3.3.1 Azad Jammu & Kashmir: 1947-1970 76 3.3.2 Significant Political and Constitutional Developments 77 3.3.3 1947-1960: The Formative Phase of Power-Sharing 77 3.3.4 Karachi Agreement: An Initial Power-Sharing Framework 78 3.3.5 Rules of Business 81 3.3.6 A Journey towards a Democratic Phase: 1961-1970 83 3.4 Constitution and Institution Building 85 3.4.1 The Process of Constitution-Making: 1970-1974 85 3.4.2 Constitutional Design and Institutional Building in AJK 88 3.4.3 The Assembly and the Council 89 3.4.4 Legislative and Executive Powers of the Council and AJK Assembly 91 3.4.5 What both the AJK Government and AJK Council cannot do 94 ...
