Suchergebnisse

Der Autor geht anhand der strukturellen Lerntheorie der Frage nach, warum eine Professionalisierung der Wählerwerbung in Japan erst Mitte der 1990er Jahre erfolgte und aus welchen Gründen es zu einem unterschiedlichen Professionalisierungsgrad der beiden Wahlkampfebenen im Unterhaus und Oberhaus gekommen ist. Er zeigt in seiner Analyse, dass durch die engen gesetzlichen Rahmenbedingungen in den Direktwahlkreisen nur wenig Spielraum für eine Entwicklung der Instrumente und Methoden der Wählerwerbung vorhanden ist. Die gegenwärtig in den Direktwahlkreisen angewandten Mittel gehen seines Erachtens ferner an der großen Zahl der Wechsel- bzw. Nicht-Stammwähler vorbei. Er berichtet exemplarisch über die Oberhauswahl vom Juli 2007, bei welcher er im Großraum Tokyo sowohl Direktkandidaten als auch Listenkandidaten bei ihren Wahlkampfaktivitäten begleitete. Er kommentiert vor diesem Hintergrund die einzelnen Etappen im Prozess der Professionalisierung der Wählerwerbung. (ICI)

[First paragraph]Drug policy in the Caribbean region provides a testing ground for one of the key themes in the social sciences over recent years, the relationship of knowledge and power. Acting as intermediary between northern donors and the microstates of the region, the organization - United Nations International Control Programme (UNDCP) - applies the models framed by northern expertise even when local experience suggests they are inappropriate. Instead of adapting, in the light of new evidence, the organization mobilizes its resources on stifling dissent.

Traces the changes in public attitudes toward and political stances on drug control in the British Caribbean between 1980 and 2000. Author first discusses the origins of drug control, the role of US pressure, and the vulnerability of the Caribbean. He then looks at European involvement and the different plans and policies to control drugs in the region. Finally, he describes the consequences of these policy approaches on the justice system and legal reform, drug demand, and social structures in the region.

Over the past five years the Nigerian government has taken dramatic steps to improve the country's reputation as an international drug trafficking centre. As most of the emphasis has fallen on law enforcement and repression there has been a sharp increase in arrest rates and the prison population. In spite of such severe measures a correlative fall in consumption has not been registered. There is a danger that Nigeria is not only repeating the unsuccessful strategies employed in the US, but is also failing to take account of the very different conditions in the local drug scene. It follows that the ostensible outcome of drug control — reduced consumption and trafficking — has become secondary to the manipulation of drug law enforcement for the extension of state authority and to effect social and political control.