Suchergebnisse

Transformacja w Rumunii umożliwiła m.in. udział reprezentantów mniejszości narodowych w systemie politycznym państwa. Przykładem ilustrującym to zjawisko są Węgrzy, licząc wg spisu z 2011 r. ponad 1,237 mln osób, oraz Niemcy, liczący ok. 37 tys. osób. Obie grupy biorą regularny, aktywny udział w wyborach na szczeblu ogólnopaństwowym jak i lokalnym. Węgrzy są reprezentowani przez UDMR, ugrupowanie osiągające poparcie wyższe niż 5% głosów, co umożliwia regularne posiadanie w Izbie Deputowanych ponad 20, a w Senacie około 10 miejsc. Niemcy są z kolei reprezentowani przez FDGR. Dużo niższe poparcie przekłada się na zaledwie 1 miejsce w parlamencie. Mniejszości te odgrywają istotną rolę w wyborach lokalnych, także Niemcy, przykładem wyborczych sukcesów jest miasto Sibiu. W przyszłości nie należy oczekiwać zasadniczej zmiany w znaczeniu odgrywanym przez obie grupy. W odróżnieniu od Węgrów, poparcie dla Niemców jest wyższe niż liczebność grupy. Jest to pochodną faktu, iż kwestia mniejszości niemieckiej w Rumunii nigdy nie wywoływała takich napięć jak Węgrzy, zarówno w stosunkach wewnętrznych, jak i międzypaństwowych. Z tego powodu oddanie głosu na FDGR nie musi się łączyć z przynależnością do mniejszości niemieckiej, co pozwala na pozyskanie wyborców. ; Among other things, the transformation in Romania has allowed for the participation of the representatives of national minorities in the political system of state. This is illustrated by the case of Hungarians, who according to the 2011 census account for over 1,237,000 of the population, and that of approximately 37,000 Germans. Both groups take a regular and active part in both national and local elections. Hungarians are represented by the UDMR, a group that wins support in excess of 5% of the votes, thus regularly getting over 20 seats in the Chamber of Deputies and approximately ten seats in the Senate. The Germans are represented by the FDGR, with considerably weaker support, which translates into only a single seat in the parliament. Both minorities play a significant role in regional elections, even though the German population is considerably smaller than that of the Hungarians. The town of Sibiu is one example of their electoral success. The significance of both groups should not be expected to change significantly in the future. Unlike in the case of the Hungarians, support for the Germans is higher than might be expected from their number. This follows from the fact that the issue of the German minority in Romania has never stirred such tensions as that of the Hungarians, both in domestic and international relations. Therefore, casting a vote for the FDGR does not have to follow from being a member of the German minority, allowing the party to win potential voters.

Transformacja w Rumunii umożliwiła m.in. udział reprezentantów mniejszości narodowych w systemie politycznym państwa. Przykładem ilustrującym to zjawisko są Węgrzy, licząc wg spisu z 2011 r. ponad 1,237 mln osób, oraz Niemcy, liczący ok. 37 tys. osób. Obie grupy biorą regularny, aktywny udział w wyborach na szczeblu ogólnopaństwowym jak i lokalnym. Węgrzy są reprezentowani przez UDMR, ugrupowanie osiągające poparcie wyższe niż 5% głosów, co umożliwia regularne posiadanie w Izbie Deputowanych ponad 20, a w Senacie około 10 miejsc. Niemcy są z kolei reprezentowani przez FDGR. Dużo niższe poparcie przekłada się na zaledwie 1 miejsce w parlamencie. Mniejszości te odgrywają istotną rolę w wyborach lokalnych, także Niemcy, przykładem wyborczych sukcesów jest miasto Sibiu. W przyszłości nie należy oczekiwać zasadniczej zmiany w znaczeniu odgrywanym przez obie grupy. W odróżnieniu od Węgrów, poparcie dla Niemców jest wyższe niż liczebność grupy. Jest to pochodnąfaktu, iż kwestia mniejszości niemieckiej w Rumunii nigdy nie wywoływała takich napięć jak Węgrzy, zarówno w stosunkach wewnętrznych, jak i międzypaństwowych. Z tego powodu oddanie głosu na FDGR nie musi się łączyć z przynależnością do mniejszości niemieckiej, co pozwala na pozyskanie wyborców. ; Among other things, the transformation in Romania has allowed for the participation o f the representatives of national minorities in the political system o f state. This is illustrated by the case of Hungarians, who according to the 2011 census account for over 1,237,000 of the population, and that of approximately 37,000 Germans. Both groups take a regular and active part in both national and local elections. Hungarians are represented by the UDMR, a group that wins support in excess o f 5% o f the votes, thus regularly getting over 20 seats in the Chamber of Deputies and approximately ten seats in the Senate. The Germans are represented by the FDGR, with considerably weaker support, which translates into only a single seat in the parliament. Both minorities play a significant role in regional elections, even though the German population is considerably smaller than that o f the Hungarians. The town o f Sibiuis one example o f their electoral success. The significance o f both groups should not be expected to change significantly in the future. Unlike in the case o f the Hungarians, support for the Germans is higher than might be expected from their number. This follows from the fact that the issue of the German minority in Romania has never stirred such tensions as that o f the Hungarians, both in domestic and international relations. Therefore, casting a vote for the FDGR does not have to follow from being a member o f the German minority, allowing the party to win potential voters.

The new EU Strategy for the Danube Region came into force on April 13, 2011. Referred to as the Danube Initiative it assumes cooperation within a greater European macro-region covering 1,080,000 km2 with over 115,000,000 inhabitants. The region encompasses as many as fourteen states, six of which are currently outside the European Union. Brussels aims to develop an improved transportation network inside the region by means of water, rail and roads, achieve stronger commitment to environmental protection, contribute to increased prosperity in this part of Europe and improve institutional cooperation in order to fight corruption and organized crime. Achieving these challenging goals is to result in increased unification of the region, in particular its less developed territories, with the UE in terms of economy and social development. The implementation of the Danube Initiative does not involve the establishment of any new institutions or resources. The goals are to be achieved by making better use of current measures. ; The new EU Strategy for the Danube Region came into force on April 13, 2011. Referred to as the Danube Initiative it assumes cooperation within a greater European macro-region covering 1,080,000 km2 with over 115,000,000 inhabitants. The region encompasses as many as fourteen states, six of which are currently outside the European Union. Brussels aims to develop an improved transportation network inside the region by means of water, rail and roads, achieve stronger commitment to environmental protection, contribute to increased prosperity in this part of Europe and improve institutional cooperation in order to fight corruption and organized crime. Achieving these challenging goals is to result in increased unification of the region, in particular its less developed territories, with the UE in terms of economy and social development. The implementation of the Danube Initiative does not involve the establishment of any new institutions or resources. The goals are to be achieved by making better use of current measures.

The new EU Strategy for the Danube Region came into force on April 13, 2011. Referred to as the Danube Initiative it assumes cooperation within a greater European macro-region covering 1,080,000 km2 with over 115,000,000 inhabitants. The region encompasses as many as fourteen states, six of which are currently outside the European Union. Brussels aims to develop an improved transportation network inside the region by means of water, rail and roads, achieve stronger commitment to environmental protection, contribute to increased prosperity in this part of Europe and improve institutional cooperation in order to fight corruption and organized crime. Achieving these challenging goals is to result in increased unification of the region, in particular its less developed territories, with the UE in terms of economy and social development. The implementation of the Danube Initiative does not involve the establishment of any new institutions or resources. The goals are to be achieved by making better use of current measures.