Debate: Ideal Theory-A Reply to Valentini
In: The journal of political philosophy, Band 18, Heft 3, S. 357-369
ISSN: 0963-8016
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In: The journal of political philosophy, Band 18, Heft 3, S. 357-369
ISSN: 0963-8016
In: The journal of political philosophy
ISSN: 1467-9760
In: International library of justice
In: The Library of Essays on Justice
Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Acknowledgements -- Series Preface -- Introduction -- PART I STANDARDS OF GLOBAL JUSTICE -- Assistance-Based Responsibilities to the Global Poor -- 1 'Famine, Affluence and Morality' -- 2 'We Don't Owe Them a Thing! A Tough-Minded but Soft-Hearted View of Aid to the Faraway Needy' -- 3 'Does Distance Matter Morally to the Duty to Rescue?' -- Contribution-Based Responsibilities to the Global Poor -- 4 '"Assisting" the Global Poor' -- 5 'Should We Stop Thinking about Poverty in Terms of Helping the Poor?' -- 6 'Poverty and the Moral Significance of Contribution' -- Cosmopolitans, Global Egalitarians, and Its Critics -- 7 'The One and Many Faces of Cosmopolitanism' -- 8 'Cosmopolitan Justice and Equalizing Opportunities' -- 9 'The Problem of Global Justice' -- 10 'Against Global Egalitarianism' -- 11 'Egalitarian Challenges to Global Egalitarianism: A Critique' -- PART II PRESSING GLOBAL SOCIOECONOMIC ISSUES -- Governing the Flow of People -- 12 'Immigration and Freedom of Association' -- 13 'Democratic Theory and Border Coercion: No Right to Unilaterally Control Your Own Borders' -- 14 'Justice in Migration: A Closed Borders Utopia?' -- Climate Change -- 15 'Global Environment and International Inequality' -- 16 'Valuing Policies in Response to Climate Change: Some Ethical Issues' -- 17 'Saved by Disaster? Abrupt Climate Change, Political Inertia, and the Possibility of an Intergenerational Arms Race' -- 18 'Polycentric Systems for Coping with Collective Action and Global Environmental Change' -- International Trade -- 19 'Responsibility and Global Labor Justice' -- 20 'Property Rights and the Resource Curse' -- 21 'Fairness in Trade I: Obligations from Trading and the Pauper-Labor Argument' -- Name Index
In: Critical review of international social and political philosophy: CRISPP, S. 1-24
ISSN: 1743-8772
In: The journal of political philosophy, Band 30, Heft 2, S. 166-187
ISSN: 1467-9760
To date there is no systematic exploration of the concept of 'political feasibility'. We believe that feasibility is a central issue for political philosophy, conceptually as well as practically, and that it has been given background status for far too long. Roughly, a state of affairs is feasible if it is one we could actually bring about. But there are many questions to ask about the conditions under which we are justified in thinking that we could bring about a political state of affairs. In this article we bring together several aspects of the concept of feasibility defended in the literature thus far, and build upon them to give an analysis of the notion of political feasibility. We suggest that the notion involves a relation between agents and the pursuit of certain actions and outcomes in certain historical contexts, and that there are two important roles for feasibility to play in political theory, corresponding to two feasibility 'tests': one categorical, the other comparative. We show how the tests operate in the assessment of three different levels of a normative political theory: core normative principles, their institutional implementation and the political reforms leading to them. Focusing on the third level, which has received the least attention in the literature, we proceed to explain how feasibility considerations interact with desirability and epistemic considerations in the articulation of normative political judgments.
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To date there is no systematic exploration of the concept of 'political feasibility'. We believe that feasibility is a central issue for political philosophy, conceptually as well as practically, and that it has been given background status for far too long. Roughly, a state of affairs is feasible if it is one we could actually bring about. But there are many questions to ask about the conditions under which we are justified in thinking that we could bring about a political state of affairs. In this article we bring together several aspects of the concept of feasibility defended in the literature thus far, and build upon them to give an analysis of the notion of political feasibility. We suggest that the notion involves a relation between agents and the pursuit of certain actions and outcomes in certain historical contexts, and that there are two important roles for feasibility to play in political theory, corresponding to two feasibility 'tests': one categorical, the other comparative. We show how the tests operate in the assessment of three different levels of a normative political theory: core normative principles, their institutional implementation and the political reforms leading to them. Focusing on the third level, which has received the least attention in the literature, we proceed to explain how feasibility considerations interact with desirability and epistemic considerations in the articulation of normative political judgments.
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In: Political studies: the journal of the Political Studies Association of the United Kingdom, Band 60, Heft 4, S. 809-825
ISSN: 1467-9248
To date there is no systematic exploration of the concept of 'political feasibility'. We believe that feasibility is a central issue for political philosophy, conceptually as well as practically, and that it has been given background status for far too long. Roughly, a state of affairs is feasible if it is one we could actually bring about. But there are many questions to ask about the conditions under which we are justified in thinking that we could bring about a political state of affairs. In this article we bring together several aspects of the concept of feasibility defended in the literature thus far, and build upon them to give an analysis of the notion of political feasibility. We suggest that the notion involves a relation between agents and the pursuit of certain actions and outcomes in certain historical contexts, and that there are two important roles for feasibility to play in political theory, corresponding to two feasibility 'tests': one categorical, the other comparative. We show how the tests operate in the assessment of three different levels of a normative political theory: core normative principles, their institutional implementation and the political reforms leading to them. Focusing on the third level, which has received the least attention in the literature, we proceed to explain how feasibility considerations interact with desirability and epistemic considerations in the articulation of normative political judgments.
In: Social issues and policy review: SIPR, Band 14, Heft 1, S. 36-72
ISSN: 1751-2409
AbstractWhy does workplace gender diversity matter? Here, we provide a review of the literature on both justice‐based and organizational benefits of workplace gender diversity that, importantly, is informed by evidence regarding sex differences and their relationship with vocational behavior and outcomes. This review indicates that the sexes are neither distinctly different, nor so similar as to be fungible. Justice‐based gains of workplace gender diversity include that it may cause less sex discrimination and may combat androcentrism in products and services. We then consider potential instrumental benefits of workplace gender diversity to organizations, including for team and firm performance, innovation, occupational well‐being, and corporate governance. The evidence of positive association is currently strongest for occupational well‐being and governance. We recommend that policy makers ground gender diversity initiatives in this comprehensive and evidence‐based understanding of the benefits of workplace gender diversity.
In: The journal of politics: JOP, Band 83, Heft 2, S. 577-588
ISSN: 1468-2508
The advent of artificial intelligence (AI) challenges political theorists to think about data ownership and policymakers to regulate the collection and use of public data. AI producers benefit from free public data for training their systems while retaining the profits. We argue against the view that the use of public data must be free. The proponents of unconstrained use point out that consuming data does not diminish its quality and that information is in am- ple supply. Therefore, they suggest, publicly available data should be free. We present two objections. First, allowing free data use promotes unwanted inequality. Second, contributors of information did not and could not anticipate that their contribution would be used to train AI systems. Our argument implies that managing the 'global information commons' and charging for extensive data use is permissible and desirable. We discuss policy implications and propose a progressive data use tax to counter the inequality arising.
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In: British journal of political science, Band 42, Heft 3, S. 661-679
ISSN: 0007-1234