Erratum
In: American journal of political science, Band 47, Heft 2, S. 388-388
ISSN: 1540-5907
54 Ergebnisse
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In: American journal of political science, Band 47, Heft 2, S. 388-388
ISSN: 1540-5907
In: American journal of political science, Band 46, Heft 4, S. 786
ISSN: 1540-5907
In: Political behavior, Band 24, Heft 3, S. 199-236
ISSN: 0190-9320
In: American journal of political science: AJPS, Band 46, Heft 4, S. 786-802
ISSN: 0092-5853
In: Political behavior, Band 21, Heft 1, S. 17-42
ISSN: 0190-9320
In: Political research quarterly: PRQ ; official journal of the Western Political Science Association and other associations, Band 51, Heft 3, S. 723
ISSN: 1938-274X
In: Political research quarterly: PRQ ; official journal of Western Political Science Association, Pacific Northwest Political Science Association, Southern California Political Science Association, Northern California Political Science Association, Band 51, Heft 3, S. 723-750
ISSN: 1065-9129
In: The journal of politics: JOP, Band 59, Heft 3, S. 751-777
ISSN: 1468-2508
In: Political behavior, Band 19, Heft 4, S. 283-316
ISSN: 0190-9320
In: The journal of politics: JOP, Band 59, Heft 3, S. 751-777
ISSN: 0022-3816
In: Annual Review of Political Science, Band 9
SSRN
In: Cambridge studies in social theory, religion and politics
The secular surge -- American in secular -- Public secularism -- Secularism and civic engagement -- Secularism and political attitudes -- Non-religiosity and backlash politics -- Secularism and party politics -- Secularism and the Democrats -- Non-religiosity and the Republicans -- Secularism on the stump -- Beyond the secular surge.
In: Political psychology: journal of the International Society of Political Psychology
ISSN: 1467-9221
AbstractAs America grows more secular, secularism is increasingly relevant for American political attitudes and behavior. In this article, we contend that secularism—conceptualized as the affirmative embrace of secular belief and identity—is distinct from nonreligiosity, which is simply the absence of religion. We also argue that, at present, secularism is primarily a psychological, and not a social, orientation. Secular belonging and behavior are quite rare and generally unimportant politically, but secular belief and identity are far more prevalent and politically relevant. We examine the relationships that secular belief and identity, secular behavior, and nonreligiosity have with political orientations. Secular belief and identity have a much stronger and more consistent political connection than do secular behavior or nonreligiosity. Then, operationalizing secularism simply as secular belief and identity, we assess its connection to contemporary conspiracy beliefs and to support for democratic values. We find that secularists disavow most conspiracy theories and support the core democratic values of participatory democracy, freedom of expression, and political tolerance. Secularism's connection to political tolerance and support for freedom of expression is quite interesting because it is very different from those of liberal ideology and Democratic partisanship.
In: Political psychology: journal of the International Society of Political Psychology, Band 42, Heft S1, S. 195-240
ISSN: 1467-9221
The Catholic Church is the largest religious denomination in the United States, yet political science lacks a comprehensive account of how the cross‐pressures created by its policy prescriptions structure Catholic political behavior. Because Catholicism's policy positions land on both sides of the contemporary partisan divide—its cultural concerns aligning with the Republican Party and its pro‐social justice stance compatible with Democratic priorities—adherence to Church teaching creates electoral dilemmas for Catholic voters. By juxtaposing existing work on Catholic political behavior with the psychological literature on cognitive dissonance, we form expectations about Catholic adherence to Church policy prescriptions and its implications for electoral choice. We focus empirically on "Seamless Garment Catholics" (SGCs)—those Catholics who share the Church's policy positions—finding that seamless‐garment views are uncommon among Catholic voters, are more common among religiously committed and Latino Catholics, and are discouraged by ties to the two major parties. SGCs are more likely than other Catholics to employ psychological coping mechanisms, such as avoidance and selective perception, to reduce Church‐inspired cognitive dissonance. Our research provides insight into an important electoral bloc that is cross‐pressured uniquely by its faith commitments.
In: Politics and religion: official journal of the APSA Organized Section on Religion and Politics, Band 11, Heft 4, S. 798-829
ISSN: 1755-0491
AbstractWe assess how likely Americans are to support political candidates who are Muslim, and the extent to which support for Muslim candidates is structured by "cultural outgroup antipathy"—generalized antipathy targeting cultural outgroups. We employ two survey experiments included in the 2007 and 2010 Cooperative Congressional Election Studies that juxtapose a hypothetical state legislative candidate's Muslim faith with Arab ethnicity, African American race, and both Democratic and Republican party affiliation. Identifying a candidate as Muslim significantly reduces voter support and that reduction is largest among people with higher levels of cultural outgroup antipathy. The effect is consistent regardless of whether the candidate is also identified as being Arab or African American or is just presented as a Muslim. We also find that cultural outgroup antipathy diminished electoral support for same-party Muslim candidates among Democrats but not among Republicans.