Suchergebnisse

While various models have been developed to account for differences in participation levels between African-American & Anglos, the empirical evidence for these models is rather limited; fails to include ethnic minority groups other that African-American; & assumes that the models are equally effective in explaining the behavior of all individuals regardless of race or ethnicity. This paper addresses these limitations by evaluating five models of participation to determine whether factors associated with Anglo & African-American participation are also associated with Mexican-American & Asian-American participation. We find that although the models apply differentially to each of the four groups, they nonetheless account for participation differences across racial/ethnic groups. 3 Tables, 74 References. Adapted from the source document.

We address the question of whether class bias in the American electorate has increased since 1964. We analyze the Census Bureau's Current Population Survey and the National Election Studies for seven consecutive presidential elections, 1964–88. Our results show that conclusions regarding changes in class bias are sensitive to which measure of socioeconomic class is used—income, education, or occupation. We argue that income is the appropriate measure since government policies that discriminate based on socioeconomic class are most likely to do so based on income and there are measurement problems associated with using either education or occupation over time. Our analysis shows that there has been almost no change in class bias in the electorate since 1964.

Race is often identified as uniquely defining and influencing electoral processes in the United States. However, little empirical research has investigated the consequences of racial diversity for levels of voter turnout or for the nature of mobilizing institutions. On the basis of historical analyses of U.S. politics, we hypothesize that greater racial diversity is associated with lower levels of voter mobilization, weaker mobilizing institutions, and higher barriers to voter participation. Cross-sectional models for the 1950s, the 1980s, and the 1990s are tested with ordinary least squares regression techniques, using states as the unit of analysis. We find that racial diversity is a potent negative predictor of turnout levels, in each time period and in non-Southern, as well as Southern, states and that it has an especially strong relationship in presidential elections. Racial diversity is also associated nationwide with weak state and national mobilizing forces, and more difficult voter registration requirements.