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ABSTRACTThis article reviews a number of critical issues in the structural reform of animal health services in Africa. Using the New Institutional Economics, it highlights several problems that others concerned with the privatization of this service area have tended to neglect. Most notably it calls attention to: (1) the need to retain a central role for paraprofessionals in the new delivery system; (2) the desirability of competition between the veterinary and para‐veterinary professions; (3) the importance of developing state contracting procedures for assisting the private delivery of animal health that will avoid the problems of local monopoly; and (4) the central role that new and strengthened professional associations will have to play in this area if collective goods and the public interest are to be served. The article's larger purpose is to demonstrate that the New Institutional Economics has a great deal to contribute to the older precepts of neo‐classical economics in anticipating and thinking through the fundamental changes that privatization of professional services in Africa are posing. In this sense it is a first step in a larger programme of empirical and theoretical research.

Üblicherweise wird über Mängel und Schwächen des Managements afrikanischer Staatsunternehmen geklagt. In dieser Studie werden vier erfolgreiche Gegenbeispiele untersucht. Leben, Karriere und politisches Umfeld wurden auf der Basis einer Vielzahl von Interviews untersucht. Gründe des Erfolgs sind die Sicherung der Autonomie ihrer Unternehmen durch enge politische Kontakte, verbunden mit der Fähigkeit, Ressourcen durch internationale Quellen zu mobilisieren sowie persönliche Fähigkeiten der Personalplanung und Menschenführung. (DÜI-Wsl)

The reconstruction of a larger polity in a violence-torn society such as Somalia requires negotiation of a new social contract between the superordinate body and the local units of governance that have provided citizens some degree of order throughout the conflict. In this article we show that the very different trajectories for state-building in the north and south of the country result in good part from different attention to this generalisation. The founding leaders in Somaliland and Puntland consulted extensively with the assemblies of elders and were able to create civilian constitutional orders. Military leaders in the south and central regions did not incorporate their elders into their political systems, even though they controlled similar amounts of territory to their counterparts in the north. Ultimately various Islamic movements did build on community-level governance and used it to successfully challenge the old 'warlords' but most of those allied with the Transitional Federal Government remain weak at the community base. ; European Research Council (ERC)