Suchergebnisse

This article shows how the European Commission cultivates policy shifts toward a particular idea of a common European Higher Education Area by using its considerable financial leverage. By making European Union (EU) funding dependent on grant recipients meeting certain strategically selected conditions, the Commission creates new incentive structures for domestic actors, in this case higher education institutions (HEIs), with two important consequences. First, the Commission turns universities into agents for its policies: Universities lobby governments to pass legislation, which would allow them to conform to Commission requirements. Second, HEIs try to comply with the Commission's requirements even in the absence of compatible national frameworks, thereby leapfrogging policy decisions on the national level. Describing this as a "soft" mechanism for achieving convergence, as Open Method of Coordination accounts posit, overlooks the fundamentally non-negotiable nature of the process from the participants' perspective and considerably underestimates the Commission's real influence. We examine this argument through a case study of an EU-funded higher education program, Erasmus Mundus. Adapted from the source document.

This article examines the role of Balkanist discourse in Tudman's Croatia. Todorova's concept of Balkanism provides a useful theoretical framework through which to explore the deployment of Balkanist stereotypes against Croatia by Western leaders. Balkanism also illuminates the ways in which Croatians used many of these same Balkan stereotypes to differentiate themselves from their neighbors to the south and east. Through an examination of Croatian newspaper columns, government documents and speeches, and political cartoons from the 1990s, this article analyzes how Balkanist interpretations and representations played an integral role in the construction of Croatian national identity and the mobilization of Croatians around a variety of political agendas. The objective of this article is not, however, simply to document the deployment of Balkanist stereotypes against or within Croatia. The second component of the article suggests ways in which Croatia's liminal position between "Europe" and the "Balkans" might serve as an ideal standpoint from which one might challenge the binary oppositions of Balkanism and begin to reimagine the Balkans, redirecting these categories as a site of political engagement and critique.

The paper starts with an overview of competing theoretical approaches to understanding Europeanization of Central and East European applicant states. lt is suggested that instead of seeing the process as strictly "top-down," we must investigate the ways in which the common pressures and constraints of Europeanization are processed and responded to in particular local contexts. In the main section the paper is focussed on the case of Slovenia in order to examine how common pressures impinge upon, challenge or reinforce national 'models' and practices, in particular two "sites of Europeanization" are examined: the restructuring of the Slovenian banking sector and recent political turmoil around the privatization of a local Slovene brewery. The authors suggest through these cases how the process of Europeanization operates not only in the political sphere, but also involves contentious debates in the public sphere.

The paper starts with an overview of competing theoretical approaches to understanding Europeanization of Central and East European applicant states. It is suggested that instead of seeing the process as strictly "top-down," we must investigate the ways in which the common pressures and constraints of Europeanization are processed and responded to in particular local contexts. In the main section the paper is focussed on the case of Slovenia in order to examine how common pressures impinge upon, challenge or reinforce national 'models' and practices, in particular two "sites of Europeanization" are examined: the restructuring of the Slovenian banking sector and recent political turmoil around the privatization of a local Slovene brewery. The authors suggest through these cases how the process of Europeanization operates not only in the political sphere, but also involves contentious debates in the public sphere. (Prokla / FUB)

Conflict elites often mobilize by distributing to their constituents solidary incentives to participation. Although elites find this strategy relatively cost-free at mobilization time, it greatly limits their action possibilities at conflict settlement time. The non-retractability of solidary incentives limits the ability of leaders to accommodate their adversaries. It thereby tends to produce protracted conflicts. This article draws upon the Serbo-Croatian conflict to illustrate this general proposition. It shows how distributions of solidary incentives contributed to the protractedness of the 1990-95 conflict between Croatia & Serbia following the dissolution of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. The reliance of political leaders on solidary incentives also helps account for subsequent difficulties in implementing the Dayton Peace Agreement. The article concludes by reflecting on how the non-retractability of solidary incentives could affect practical strategies for producing peace in this setting. 1 Figure, 69 References. [Copyright 2002 Sage Publications Ltd.]

Die Verfasserinnen setzen sich zunächst mit unterschiedlichen theoretischen Ansätzen zur Erklärung der Europäisierung der mittel- und osteuropäischen Beitrittsstaaten auseinander. Sie schlagen vor, diesen Prozess nicht als "top-down"-Prozess zu verstehen, sondern zu fragen, wie sich die gemeinsamen Zwänge der Europäisierung in bestimmten lokalen Zusammenhängen um- und durchsetzen. Am Beispiel Sloweniens wird gezeigt, wie diese Zwänge nationale Modelle und Strukturen verändern oder verstärken. Dabei geht es vor allem um zwei konkrete Schauplätze der Europäisierung: die Restrukturierung des slowenischen Bankensektors und den politischen Konflikt um die Privatisierung einer örtlichen Brauerei. Dabei wird deutlich, dass sich der Europäisierungsprozess nicht nur im politischen Bereich vollzieht, sondern auch Debatten in der Öffentlichkeit nach sich zieht. (ICEÜbers)

Conflict elites often mobilize by distributing to their constituents solidary incentives to participation. Although elites find this strategy relatively cost-free at mobilization time, it greatly limits their action possibilities at conflict settlement time. The non-retractability of solidary incentives limits the ability of leaders to accommodate their adversaries. It thereby tends to produce protracted conflicts. This article draws upon the Serbo-Croatian conflict to illustrate this general proposition. It shows how distributions of solidary incentives contributed to the protractedness of the 1990-95 conflict between Croatia and Serbia following the dissolution of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. The reliance of political leaders on solidary incentives also helps account for subsequent difficulties in implementing the Dayton Peace Agreement. The article concludes by reflecting on how the non-retractability of solidary incentives could affect practical strategies for producing peace in this setting.