Suchergebnisse

Resumo Este artigo analisa a influência exercida pelo chamado "modelo americano" na constituição do arcabouço institucional que permitiu a consolidação da competência científica em Economia no Brasil. Mostra os principais mecanismos pelos quais os padrões estabelecidos nos países desenvolvidos, nos EUA em particular, foram incorporados aos estudos de Economia no Brasil; e também, as resistências encontradas pelo processo de internacionalização ou americanização em algumas áreas do meio universitário do país. Os dados e tabelas organizadas oferecem uma dimensão quantitativa desse processo.

Refletindo sobre modelo de carreira mais adequado para a Administração Pública nesta era de economia globalizada e de maiores exigências de eficiência e flexibilidade na gestão dos aparatos governamentais, questiona-se aqui a idéia de que o modelo burocrático deva ser substituído pelo modelo gerencial. Considerando essa idéia apenas parcialmente verdadeira, nossa argumentação vai na seguinte direção: como a burocracia é a forma específica de organização do aparato administrativo do Estado de Direito, este modelo não pode ser rejeitado, sob pena de comprometimento desse Estado. Mas ele precisa ser flexibilizado, superando e reduzindo o formalismo excessivo e a rigidez que sua realização histórica possa ter gerado nos diferentes países. Igualmente, deve ser aperfeiçoado em seus mecanismos de controle, até como condição para sua manutenção eficaz nos governos democráticos contemporâneos.

The present study analyzes the political and institutional arrangements of the new housing program in the Brasil (PMCMV), examining them both from the point of view of democracy and its effectiveness to achieve its objectives. In other words, it aks if such arrangements encourage expanded participation of a plurality of actors and if they favor the coordination of its implementation and the achievement of the goals. The hypothesis considered to be the PMCMV a public policy with institutional arrangement that is politically legitimate and also bureaucratically able for favoring the achievement of the proposed objectives. The selected data, however, showed that this hypothesis has not been completely confirmed. Even having achieved the goals established, with management and monitoring arrangements to raise the efficiency of the policy, its institutional arrangement was not able to include important social actors in the area, such as the popular pró-moradia movements and organized groups of experts on urban themes. their demands have not been addressed in decision-making arenas.

O objetivo principal do trabalho é analisar a estrutura de comando e delegação e as formas de disputa de poder existentes no Ministério da Fazenda, considerado o mais técnico e o mais importante do Governo Federal. Enfatizando a temática das relações entre burocracia e política no sistema presidencialista brasileiro, o presente estudo procura entender a lógica política que orienta as ações do alto escalão do Ministério da Fazenda no mandato do presidente Fernando Henrique Cardoso.

This paper examines the institutional arrangements that organize the arenas of formulation and implementation of development policies in Brazil, asking if such policies are setting up more democratic decision-making processes with the inclusion of a larger number of actors and at the same time if they are enhancing new State capabilities, that is, making the bureaucracy more able to undertake the purposes of the policies? The analysis of these arrangements is focused in particular on the relations established between bureaucracy and other political actors. The selected data for the study refer to the project of transposition of the São Francisco River Waters and show that despite the technical and political difficulties for its implementation, not yet fully overcome, two order of institutional innovations may be highlighted. The first refers to the new monitoring instruments and management (committees, 'situation rooms' etc.) that have reduced administrative barriers or bottlenecks. The second points out a possible new pattern of relationship between State and society: they are not characterized only by old political patronage grammars or bureaucratic insulation (which are still present), but also uphold greater sharing of decisions.

The University of São Paulo (USP) is acknowledged for its scientific and cultural significance. This article investigates the extent of USP's influence on the shaping of Brazil's governing elites. The study is founded on a quantitative analysis of the academic background of individuals occupying top positions in the federal public administration (Presidents of the Republic, Presidents of the Central Bank, Ministers of State, leaders of the Legislative, Judiciary, and the Public Prosecutor Service) from the 1930s to the present day. The data reveals that usp has made a significant contribution to the education of high-ranking federal members across various spheres, with its influence being predominant. The participation of USP alumni varies over time and between different political regimes, being more pronounced during democratic periods. Moreover, other higher education institutions have also played crucial roles in the formation of governing elites. The diversity of institutions attended by government members reflects the complexity and dynamics of the formation of Brazilian elites, influenced by political and social changes over time.

<p>O trabalho analisa os arranjos institucionais que organizam as arenas de formulação e implementação de políticas de desenvolvimento no Brasil, tanto do ponto de vista democrático quanto de sua capacidade para alcançar os objetivos propostos. Com base no estudo de caso do projeto de integração do Rio São Francisco que se tornou prioritário no Brasil a partir do governo Lula, a pesquisa mostra que apesar das dificuldades técnicas e políticas para a implantação desse projeto, ainda não totalmente superadas, ele trouxe inovações institucionais. Não só novos instrumentos de monitoramento e gestão (comitês gestores, salas de situação etc.) têm reduzido os gargalos ou entraves administrativos, mas também é possível constatar um padrão novo de relação entre atores estatais e societários que, sem excluir formas tradicionais, pauta-se por maior compartilhamento de decisões. A interlocução, o debate e os consensos construídos entre diversos atores estatais e societários permitiram melhorar a qualidade dessa política pública: o projeto que deixou de ser apenas de transposição e se transformou em projeto de integração e revitalização sócio-econômica da bacia hidrográfica.</p>

The current debate on state capacity, despite practical relevance for policy-making and analytical advances in the last decades, is still permeated by several theoretical and methodological problems. Considering that a revised concept of policy capacity has analytical utility, this work has contributed to the literature in three interrelated ways. First of all, we work on the concept of state capacity, highlighting its specificities in regard to the generic notion of power. Secondly, this article shows the relevance of bringing contextual and political elements into the debate of capacity. Thirdly, it helps to establish clearer boundaries on this notion, marking its differences to concepts such as resources and results. Empirically, it analyzes policy capacity developments in areas that have expressed priorities in the governmental agenda in former Brazilian presidencies. In the government of Fernando Henrique Cardoso, the focus is on the fiscal function of the state as a guarantor of credibility for investors, having as a case study the National Treasury Secretariat (STN), within the Ministry of Finance. In Lula's and Dilma's terms, the attention is the social area: the National Secretariat of Citizenship Income, within the Ministry of Social Development, and the National Secretariat of Housing, within the Ministry of Cities, both created at the beginning of the government Lula.

The current debate on state capacity, despite practical relevance for policy-making and analytical advances in the last decades, is still permeated by several theoretical and methodological problems. Considering that a revised concept of policy capacity has analytical utility, this work has contributed to the literature in three interrelated ways. First of all, we work on the concept of state capacity, highlighting its specificities in regard to the generic notion of power. Secondly, this article shows the relevance of bringing contextual and political elements into the debate of capacity. Thirdly, it helps to establish clearer boundaries on this notion, marking its differences to concepts such as resources and results. Empirically, it analyzes policy capacity developments in areas that have expressed priorities in the governmental agenda in former Brazilian presidencies. In the government of Fernando Henrique Cardoso, the focus is on the fiscal function of the state as a guarantor of credibility for investors, having as a case study the National Treasury Secretariat (STN), within the Ministry of Finance. In Lula's and Dilma's terms, the attention is the social area: the National Secretariat of Citizenship Income, within the Ministry of Social Development, and the National Secretariat of Housing, within the Ministry of Cities, both created at the beginning of the government Lula.

This article deals with the communication of Brazilian Courts of Accounts and Prosecution Services on social media platforms Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram, since the opening of their accounts. The study innovates in the discussion about democratic controls over public administration in the so-called "digital democracy," focusing on institutional communication of Courts of Accounts and Prosecution Services, showing that controllers also need to be concerned about their transparency and accountability. Having verified that they maintain professional communication departments that operate intensively on social media, with emphasis on the Federal Court of Accounts (TCU) and the Federal Prosecution Service (MPF) on Twitter, the article specifically analyzes the content of the two institutions' communication in this platform by using the Iramuteq software. Both TCU and MPF kept posting a variety of content on Twitter since first opening their accounts and at important moments in recent political history. The research question addressed was: Does expanding communication channels necessarily mean greater accountability? The study found that these institutions, when communicating with society on social media, did not necessarily respond to the public accountability requirements that democratic theory implies. ; Este artículo trata de la comunicación que los Tribunales de Cuentas (TC) y los Ministerios Públicos (MP) brasileños promueven en las redes sociales Facebook, Twitter e Instagram, desde la apertura de sus cuentas. Innova en la discusión acerca de los controles democráticos sobre la administración pública en la llamada "democracia digital", mostrando que los controladores también deben preocuparse por su transparencia y rendición de cuentas. Habiendo comprobado que mantienen departamentos de comunicación profesional que operan intensamente en las redes sociales, con énfasis en el Tribunal de Cuentas de la Unión (TCU) y el Ministerio Público Federal (MPF) en Twitter, el artículo analiza específicamente el ...

RESUMO Introdução: O artigo trata da composição do Conselho Nacional de Justiça (CNJ) e do Conselho Nacional do Ministério Público (CNMP), entre 2005 e 2019. Uma análise dos seus membros é um fator fundamental para explicar o funcionamento desses Conselhos. Materiais e métodos: Realizamos uma prosopografia dos 105 integrantes do CNJ e dos 98 integrantes do CNMP comparando seus respectivos perfis em busca de semelhanças e diferenças. Resultados: A composição de CNJ e CNMP pode ser melhor entendida pela lógica informal do que pelos pelas regras formais de investidura dessas instituições. Por lógica informal compreendemos: i) a política que cruza as instituições judiciárias; ii) as redes acessadas e os critérios que retroalimentam filtros de seleção para as cúpulas do Judiciário e Ministério Público; e iii) os fatores exógenos à institucionalidade dos Conselhos, como pressões de associações de classe. Discussão: O padrão de recrutamento explica a fraca accountability do CNJ e do CNMP, que funcionam segundo o modelo do isomorfismo institucional: embora tenham sido criados para controlar o Judiciário e o Ministério Público, se adaptaram para se moldarem às preferências dos controlados.