This paper questions the pertinence of the humanitarian aid localization agenda in Latin America, at least in the narrow sense embraced by the 2016 World Humanitarian Summit. Localized support has been the standard practice in the region for decades, thanks to at least two correlated factors: the Monroe Doctrine limiting intervention to the USA and regional efforts to resist such intervention. Instead, humanitarian action in the region is an example of a particular way of understating localization, mainly specialized support to specific issues, no distinction between humanitarian or development divisions, and coexistence of different response approaches, synthesizing international and local experiences that intermingle with community practices and traditions, under national government leadership. Governments, together with NGOs, civil protection, and other relevant actors from international cooperation and development, engage in crises based on a long-standing tradition of risk management at national and regional levels. Fears of abuses hidden behind the non-interference principle, human rights activism, and disaster risk management approaches to emergencies created a complex ecosystem for humanitarian localization.
El humanitarismo se ha consolidado como un pilar de la gobernanza global. El apoyo a las víctimas de todo tipo de emergencias en cualquier parte del mundo es un suceso hoy por hoy común, casi cotidiano, símbolo de un compromiso compartido para con la humanidad sin importar fronteras. Desde sus orígenes en la abolición de la esclavitud y la creación de la Cruz Roja, el alcance del humanitarismo ha venido expandiéndose hasta ser acogido en el seno de la Organización de las Naciones Unidas (ONU) después del fin de la Guerra Fría. Sin embargo, este proceso ha mantenido desde sus comienzos un sesgo colonial, según el cual las crisis humanitarias ocurren en el Sur, mientras que el Norte viene al rescate. Es por ello que lo humanitario no ha sido siempre bien visto desde la periferia, considerado a veces como rescoldo de ambiciones imperiales y justificación para intervenciones con intereses particulares. De esta manera, el humanitarismo en el Sur ha resultado en resistencia y visiones alternativas de lo que constituye o no una crisis, la acción necesaria para afrontarlas y los tipos de cooperación que se necesitan o se aceptan. En este sentido, Latinoamérica es una fuente importante de lecciones sobre el futuro de lo humanitario, no solo por los dos siglos de experiencia defendiendo su independencia, sino también porque en la región coexisten las crisis y las capacidades para cooperar en su respuesta de Sur a Sur. Si aceptamos que tal coexistencia de crisis y capacidad es la "nueva normalidad" en el resto del planeta, la experiencia latinoamericana ofrece un ejemplo de re-creación de las instituciones humanitarias, haciéndolas más incluyentes y relevantes, a la vez que nuevas vulnerabilidades se hacen evidentes.
PurposeThe 2030 agenda for sustainable development and the Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction (SFDRR) constitute an overarching global milestone for creating a better sustainable future worldwide. The risk component of the agenda under the SFDRR must be better embedded into the sustainable development goals (SDGs) and integrating disaster risk management policy with broader development objectives at national and subnational levels in many countries is still a work in progress. The purpose of this paper is to analyse the progress between the SDGs and the SFDRR in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) and its complementary featuresDesign/methodology/approachComprehensive and contextualized analyses of the progress of SFDRR and SDGs related to the LAC region need to be fully addressed to examine synergies and trade-offs with the two global agendas. Based on empirical evidence from United Nations global reports, a literature review of DRR and DRM, as well as development planning evidence, this paper addresses the implications of building coherence between the SDGs and the SFDRR in the region.FindingsInterplay and connections of the two agendas are highlighted together with an analysis of coherence among indicators. Despite the richness of several indicators, the examined evidence suggests that derived from the current progress, indicators are unable to completely reflect the dynamics among disaster risk drivers for both the SFDRR and the SDGs in the region.Research limitations/implicationsData availability at UNIDSR as well as at the regional level can limit the scope of the research. When comparing and matching the agendas, results could be further improved upon new releases of data. SFDRR and SDGs have also ground for improvement and countries are doing well but still slow.Practical implicationsThe paper offers new insights and findings for decision/policy makers in Latina America and the Caribbean.Originality/valueThe paper offers an overall understanding of the progress and coherence among SFDRR and SDGs global frameworks and provides insights to identify the gaps and opportunities that need to be addressed to integrate disaster risk reduction into sustainable development planning at national and regional scales in LAC.
In: L' Europe en formation: revue d'études sur la construction européenne et le fédéralisme = journal of studies on European integration and federalism, Band 380, Heft 2, S. 71-89
Le Mexique a été le deuxième pays à développer sa propre politique climatique nationale, bien avant l'Accord de Paris. Elle fut conçue comme une composante d'une stratégie de politique étrangère destinée à faire de ce pays un facilitateur entre pays développés et en développement. En conséquence, la politique intérieure bénéficia d'un élan important, traduit dans un ensemble d'instruments qui ne se sont pas révélés décisifs ou adéquats pour contribuer à traiter le problème du changement climatique. Des opinions contradictoires ont été exprimées, alors que les énergies fossiles étaient promues en dépit de la reconnaissance et de l'urgence de la transition vers les sources d'énergie renouvelables. Par la suite le Mexique a pu se vanter d'être le premier pays en développement à soumettre son plan d'action climatique en perspective de la COP21. Au cours de cet événement, ce pays s'est joint à la High Ambition Coalition qui s'est avérée décisive pour obtenir la dernière impulsion en faveur de l'Accord de Paris. Cependant, les pressions pour préserver le statu quo restent fortes sur le plan domestique. Ces incohérences forment le contexte dans lequel analyser le discours politique du gouvernement mexicain à la fois dans ses engagements climatiques par le biais de ses promesses et dans l'approche subtile pour rester lié aux énergies fossiles.
Under the current global environmental governance and trade regimes, several initiatives, such as the new United States–Mexico–Canada Agreement, the European Union's European Green Deal, and regional free trade agreements the European Union has implemented with strategic partners like Mexico, are prompting a vibrant discussion on how trade agreements can be used as a potential mechanism to create enforceable cross-border commitments to tackle climate change. However, to cut greenhouse gas emissions within a few decades, a decisive departure from current trends in emission and trade policies is required by all countries, both developed and developing. As a result, politicians, scholars and experts around the world have looked to trade agreements as a possible tool for reaching global climate commitments, either related to or independent from the Paris Agreement. But how well do these agreements suit this purpose? Carbon-intensive products worldwide increased when tariff reductions were implemented, resulting in destructive practices for many countries, particularly those in the Global South. For countries such as Mexico, the nexus between trade and climate change is not easy to address: the country is trapped between its ambitions to play a role in global trade platforms as an industrial manufacturer and agricultural exporter and its desire to be recognized as a global actor in climate change policy and actions within the global community. Despite recent changes in climate and environmental politics under the administration of President Andrés Manuel López Obrador (2018–2024), Mexico is a middle-income country with a long-standing tradition as climate champion and environmental leader in the Global South and needs to make clear where it stands under the new global environmental and ecological transition scenario imposed by the climate crisis and trade-related issues. The "entanglement" of global trade treaties and commitments under the current climate crisis, represents a major shift for Mexico. Caught between the new US–Mexico-Canada Agreement, the EU–Mexico Trade Agreement and the possible impacts of the European Green Deal, Mexico needs to define its role in trade and environmental terms alongside giant partners such as the United States and the European Union, while defending its role as a regional power. If the European Green Deal takes off as an international driver for deepening climate and sustainable development goals with European Union strategic partners, it remains to be seen how Mexico will respond to the challenge. In this paper we address the possible implications for Mexico under each of these instruments. We look at the interplay between them, explore the linkages and possible conflictual pathways, and "disentangle" the schemes in which trade and climate change are interconnected. Mexico may be trapped in a "catch-22" situation. Environmental provisions embedded in trade treaties provide critical benefits to the country, but this often comes at the expense of "unacceptable" environmental enforcement measures that can put at risk national development plans, especially at a time when the environment and climate change issues are not at the top of the current administration's political agenda.
In: L' Europe en formation: revue d'études sur la construction européenne et le fédéralisme = journal of studies on European integration and federalism, Band 396, Heft 1, S. 59-83
La Transition numérique verte et la gouvernance des données sont des composantes essentielles du développement soutenable, tant au Nord qu'au Sud. Cet article met en lumière l'importance de ces concepts et leurs implications pour la soutenabilité environnementale et le développement équitable. La Transition numérique verte fait référence à l'intégration des technologies numériques et des pratiques durables pour relever les défis environnementaux. Elle englobe des initiatives telles que l'intégration des énergies renouvelables, les réseaux intelligents, l'économie circulaire et la planification urbaine soutenable. La gouvernance des données, quant à elle, se concentre sur la gestion des données de manière responsable, sécurisée et transparente. Elle implique la collecte, le stockage, le partage et l'utilisation des données dans le respect de la vie privée et des considérations éthiques. Le Nord et le Sud sont confrontés à des défis et des opportunités distinctes dans la mise en œuvre de ces concepts. Le Nord possède une infrastructure numérique avancée, mais doit faire face à des préoccupations concernant la confidentialité et la sécurité des données. En revanche, le Sud est confronté à des limitations en matière d'infrastructures, mais peut dépasser les modèles de développement traditionnels en adoptant des technologies numériques soutenables. Il est essentiel de combler le fossé numérique et de garantir un accès équitable à la technologie et aux mécanismes de gouvernance des données. La collaboration entre le Nord et le Sud peut favoriser l'échange de connaissances, le renforcement des capacités et l'harmonisation des politiques. Une approche holistique intégrant la Transition numérique verte et la gouvernance des données est essentielle pour parvenir à un développement soutenable et inclusif à l'échelle mondiale.
Chapter 1 -- The construction and destruction of successful agricultural lands: case study of viticultural areas in Northern Mexico. Chapter 2 -- Pastoralism and achievement of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development: a missing piece of the puzzle. Chapter 3 -- Trends in the use of groundwater in dry lands of Mexico: case of a complex urbanized socio -- ecosystem of the Chihuahua desert. Chapter 4 -- The socio -- ecological systems approach to research the integrated aquifer management in an agricultural dryland in Mexico. Chapter 5 -- Assessment of climate change impact on drought and flood regime using climatological data derived from GLDAS -- 1, GLDAS -- 2, and MERRA -- 2 over semi -- arid zones of northern Mexico: analysis of temporal patterns of precipitation. Chapter 6 -- Understanding Drylands with a transdisciplinary and participatory approach: participatory observatories and the case of RISZA. Chapter 7 -- Sustainable development Goals and drylands. Chapter 8 -- Conservation and Development in the Mapimi Biosphere: a transdisciplinary and participatory project to understand climate change adaptation. Chapter 9 -- Education for sustainable development (ESD): expert net as promoter of transdisciplinarity through the SDGs. Chapter 10 -- The forced modernization of the Altiplano: disruption of the ecosystem function of the dryland zones in San Luis Potosí, Mexico. Chapter 11 -- Sustainable development in modern times: forgotten native communities in northwestern México. Chapter 12 -- Looking at the past to face the challenges for sustainable development in drylands: the protection of the biocultural heritage in the Tehuacán -- Cuicatlán Biosphere Reserve. Chapter 13 -- The Agadir Platform: a tripartite transatlantic cooperation to achieve sustainable Dryland. Chapter 14 -- The Atlas Workshops of Agdz, Morocco: a model region for a scientific -- artistic dialogue. Chapter 15 -- Drylands, aridification and land governance in Latin America: a regional geospatial perspective. Chapter 16 -- Vulnerability to the effects of climate change: coastal watersheds of arid Mexico. Chapter 17 -- Desert experts through time: traditional hunter -- gatherers from Northern Mexico and its implications for resource management and governance. Chapter 18 -- Governing drylands through Environmental Mainstreaming: how to cope with natural resources scarcity and climate change
Zugriffsoptionen:
Die folgenden Links führen aus den jeweiligen lokalen Bibliotheken zum Volltext:
Evolución o involución del desarrollo sostenible / Rafael Domínguez Martín -- La era del desarrolllo sostenible/sustentable y las organizaciones internacionales y regionales / Lorena San Román J. -- Ética, medioambiente y desarrollo sustentable / Gustavo Sadot Sosa Núñez -- La Agenda Local 21 en México : visión del desarrollo, asimetrías territoriales y déficit en su implementacioń / Prudenzio Oscar Mochi Alemán -- La implementación de la Agenda Local 21 en México : evidencias empíricas y consideraciones generales / Simone Lucatello - La gobernanza territorial y la materialización de las AL21 / Lorena Elizabeth Vera Márquez -- El diagnóstico social a partir de la Agenda Local 21 / Julio Alfonso Ruíz Zuñiga