The Polish intellectuals about Germany nad its role for Poland in the European Union (2009–2016)
In: Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Szczecińskiego. Acta Politica, Band 44, S. 5-15
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In: Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Szczecińskiego. Acta Politica, Band 44, S. 5-15
In: Przegląd politologiczny: kwartalnik = Political science review, Heft 4, S. 19
ISSN: 1426-8876
Stosunki polsko-niemieckie charakteryzuje dobra współpraca. Dysponują one wysokim potencjałem kooperacji i mogłyby się stać się jeszcze bliższe. Kry¬zys w strefie euro zwłaszcza w okresie polskiej prezydencji w UE zbliżył Warszawę i Berlin. Jednak obecny konflikt z Rosja przyniósł komplikacje. Paradoksalnie może on przyczynić się do lepszego zrozumienia przez Niemcy polskich oczekiwań w zakresie polityki bezpieczeństwa. Z polskiego punktu widzenia partnerstwo z Niemcami podlega obecnie ważnemu sprawdzianowi w ramach Sojuszu Północnoatlantyckiego. Niemcy starają się wyjść naprzeciw polskim postulatom, angażując się w tworzenie szpicy NATO i zacieśnianie kontaktów wojskowych. Stosunki polsko - niemieckie jeszcze długo będą uwarunkowane charakterem niemieckiego przywództwa i nie do końca zdefiniowaną rolą Polski w UE. ; Polish-German relations are an example of good collaboration. They also offer considerable potential for even closer cooperation. The crises in the euro zone brought Warsaw and Berlin closer to one another, especially during the Polish presidency of the EU. The present conflict with Russia, however, has resulted in complications. Ironically, it may contribute to Germany's better understanding Polish expectations regarding security. From Poland's point of view, the partnership with Germany is being significantly tested within the framework of the North Atlantic Alliance. Germany is trying to accommodate Polish postulates by becoming involved in NATO spearhead forces and facilitating closer military contacts. Polish-German relations will long continue to depend on the nature of German leadership and the role of Poland in the EU, which is not ultimately defined.
BASE
In: Welt-Trends: das außenpolitische Journal, Band 23, Heft 100, S. 67-74
ISSN: 0944-8101
The concept of closer integration in the euro area under the patronage of Germany can bring to the EU stabilization. It involves: but also the risk to deepen differences and divisions in the EU. Poland remains outside the mainstream of integration and the conditions for its accession to the euro zone will be even more complicated. Closer Partner community in the European Union is difficult to implement in the EU's energy and Ostpolitik area also due to the still undetermined significance of Poland for Germany. Adapted from the source document.
In: Welt-Trends: das außenpolitische Journal, Band 23, Heft 100, S. 30
ISSN: 0944-8101
Democratic change in 1989, joining NATO in 1999 and EU membership in 2004 set three milestones in the (re) way of Poland to Europe. In the Jubilee 2014 these fundamental decisions for the West will be discussed again in Poland. You have coined the identity of Poland as an equal member of the Western community permanently, they are and remain the foreign policy priorities of Poland. Adapted from the source document.
In: Welt-Trends: das außenpolitische Journal, Band 23, Heft 1, S. 64-74
ISSN: 0944-8101
"Das Konzept einer engeren Integration in der Eurozone unter der Schirmherrschaft von Deutschland kann der EU Stabilisierung bringen. Es birgt aber auch das Risiko, die Differenzen und Spaltungen in der EU zu vertiefen. Polen bleibt außerhalb der Hauptströmung der Integration und die Bedingungen für seinen Beitritt zur Eurozone werden noch komplizierter. Eine engere Partnerschaft in der Europäischen Union ist auch aufgrund der noch unbestimmten Bedeutung Polens für Deutschland im Bereich der Energie- und Ostpolitik der EU schwierig umzusetzen." (Autorenreferat)
In: Przegla̜d zachodni / Polnische Ausgabe, Heft Spec. No, S. [127]-150
World Affairs Online
In: Poland's security: contemporary domestic and international issues, S. 23-40
In: Sprawy międzynarodowe, Band 66, Heft 2, S. 120-126
ISSN: 0038-853X
In: Przegla̜d zachodni: czasopismo Instytutu Zachodniego w Poznaniu : kwartalnik. [Polnische Ausgabe], Band 68, Heft 2, S. 85-98
ISSN: 0033-2437
In: Przegląd strategiczny: Strategic review, Heft 1, S. 151
Z powodu kryzysu irackiego i na skutek operacji w Afganistanie Sojusz znalazł się w najpoważniejszym impasie od zakończenia zimnej wojny. Coraz wyrazistsze rozbieżności doprowadziły do wytworzenia się kilku nurtów w obrębie państw członkowskich. Przywrócenie spójności Sojuszu zależy od rozwiązania lub złagodzenie kilku strategicznych dylematów: 1) między zachowaniem funkcji obrony zbiorowej symbolizowanej przez art. V i zasady odstraszania a funkcją out of area czyli zadaniami polegającym m.in. na zwalczaniu zagrożeń takich jak terroryzm, proliferacja broni masowego rażenia na obszarze pozatraktatowym; 2) pomiędzy transatlantyckim charakterem NATO a dążeniem do globalizacji, czyli nawiązywania partnerstw strategicznych z państwami z innych regionów świata i koncepcją uczynienia z NATO patrona nowej globalnej sieci bezpieczeństwa; 3) pomiędzy koncepcją realizowania zadań przez NATO wyłącznie w wymiarze militarnym a koncepcją całościowego podejścia, zakładającego obecność również wymiaru cywilnego, czyli przede wszystkim kooperację z innymi organizacjami jak ONZ, UE, OBWE dla realizacji nowego typu zadań rekonstrukcyjnych na obszarach pokonfliktowych. Koncepcja strategiczna przyniosła wyklarowanie stanowiska Sojuszu w wielu kontrowersyjnych sprawach. Ryzyko uformowania się kilku nurtów zmalało. W stosunkach między sojusznikami zmniejszyło się napięcie, chociaż różnice pomiędzy państwami członkowskimi zdają się utrzymywać ; In the aftermath of the Iraq crisis, the North Atlantic Alliance faced its most serious predica- ment since the Cold War. Its mission in Afghanistan revealed growing discrepancies between the member states. The Georgian crisis of 2008, the missile defence project and the enlargement showed a lack of coherence. NATO has split up into two or more factions. A crucial question arose as to NATO's ability to resolve the three main strategic dilemmas which have grown more pressing since the end of the Cold War: (1) the choice between collective defence as the key role of NATO (Art. 5) and its out-of-area role of combating the proliferation of weapons of mass de - struction and international terrorism; (2) the choice between the transatlantic nature of NATO and its global partnerships; (3) the choice between the concept of the global military engagement of NATO and the so called comprehensive approach involving the cooperation of NATO with other security organizations such as the UN, the EU and the OSCE in reconstructing post-conflict regions. NATO's performance in managing these challenges will bear critically on its future. The Strategic Concept from Lisbon 2010 has helped to clarify many controversial is - sues within the organization. NATO has managed to mitigate the risk of developing into a multi-tier organization. Relations between the factions have relaxed although interests appear to remain as diverse as they were before.
BASE
In the aftermath of the Iraq crisis, the North Atlantic Alliance faced its most serious predicament since the ColdWar. Its mission in Afghanistan revealed growing discrepancies between the member states. The Georgian crisis of 2008, the missile defence project and the enlargement showed a lack of coherence. NATO has split up into two or more factions. A crucial question arose as to NATO's ability to resolve the three main strategic dilemmas which have grown more pressing since the end of the ColdWar: (1) the choice between collective defence as the key role of NATO (Art. 5) and its out-of-area role of combating the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and international terrorism; (2) the choice between the transatlantic nature of NATO and its global partnerships; (3) the choice between the concept of the global military engagement of NATO and the so called comprehensive approach involving the cooperation of NATO with other security organizations such as the UN, the EU and the OSCE in reconstructing post-conflict regions. NATO's performance in managing these challenges will bear critically on its future. The Strategic Concept from Lisbon 2010 has helped to clarify many controversial issues within the organization. NATO has managed to mitigate the risk of developing into a multi-tier organization. Relations between the factions have relaxed although interests appear to remain as diverse as they were before. ; In the aftermath of the Iraq crisis, the North Atlantic Alliance faced its most serious predicament since the ColdWar. Its mission in Afghanistan revealed growing discrepancies between the member states. The Georgian crisis of 2008, the missile defence project and the enlargement showed a lack of coherence. NATO has split up into two or more factions. A crucial question arose as to NATO's ability to resolve the three main strategic dilemmas which have grown more pressing since the end of the ColdWar: (1) the choice between collective defence as the key role of NATO (Art. 5) and its out-of-area role of combating the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and international terrorism; (2) the choice between the transatlantic nature of NATO and its global partnerships; (3) the choice between the concept of the global military engagement of NATO and the so called comprehensive approach involving the cooperation of NATO with other security organizations such as the UN, the EU and the OSCE in reconstructing post-conflict regions. NATO's performance in managing these challenges will bear critically on its future. The Strategic Concept from Lisbon 2010 has helped to clarify many controversial issues within the organization. NATO has managed to mitigate the risk of developing into a multi-tier organization. Relations between the factions have relaxed although interests appear to remain as diverse as they were before.
BASE
In: Przegla̜d zachodni: czasopismo Instytutu Zachodniego w Poznaniu : kwartalnik. [Polnische Ausgabe], Band 67, Heft 1, S. 328-329
ISSN: 0033-2437
In: Przegla̜d zachodni: czasopismo Instytutu Zachodniego w Poznaniu : kwartalnik. [Polnische Ausgabe], Band 67, Heft 3, S. 91-110
ISSN: 0033-2437