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As remote and improbable a venue for a crisis in American foreign policy as Quemoy or the Gulf of Tonkin, Angola (1975) came to assume a Munich-like symbolism in the calculations of Americans who perceived a threat of Soviet expansionism into the third world during the latter years of the Brezhnev era. Smarting from a political/military shutout in Angola that came on the heels of a humiliating American exodus from Saigon, Secretary of State Henry Kissinger pointed to Angola as the "principal" cause of a deterioration in U.S.-Soviet relations. Subsequent policy confrontations over Ethiopia, Afghanistan, Nicaragua and Cambodia reinforced this perception of Angola as the beginning of the end of detente.

Economics and ideology; global politics.

Während der ersten 25 Jahre seit der Unabhängigkeit war Afrika für die beiden Großmächte nur von zweitrangiger Bedeutung. Heute gilt es zunehmend als Konfliktgebiet mit möglicher Konfrontation der Supermächte. Der Artikel verfolgt die Veränderung der Interessenlage und der politischen Situation sowie den Einfluß wirtschaftlicher und militärischer Faktoren. (DÜI-Gbh)

Contrary to popular perceptions, the governments of the United States and Angola share a core of compatible foreign policy objectives. Each government, for its own reasons, believes that its national interests may be best served by reducing border conflict and external intervention in highly flammable Southwest Africa. This congruence of interests became increasingly apparent and even led to a measure of bilateral cooperation dur ing the last years of the Carter administration.

"Could you tell us why you, a self-professed Democrat, a liberal, happened to be selected by the Reagan administration to represent the United States at the United Nations? It is, after all, a conservative administration." The question came from Charles H. Percy (R., 111.), chair of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations. The response followed sharp and confident."I suppose," said Georgetown political scientist Jeane I. Kirkpatrick, "President Reagan asked me to take this very difficult job because he believes that we share a particular sense of the problems that confront the United States, the democracies, and Western civilization." That "particular sense," as she explained it, seems to relate back to the comparatively straightforward, bipolar world of the early 1950s, when Ambassador Kirkpatrick was studying political science in Paris and Stalin's soldiers still surrounded Vienna.