Towards a Realignment of the Mind: Compass Lecture, Commonwealth Club, London, 10 February 2011
In: The political quarterly: PQ, Band 82, Heft 2, S. 140-146
ISSN: 0032-3179
101 Ergebnisse
Sortierung:
In: The political quarterly: PQ, Band 82, Heft 2, S. 140-146
ISSN: 0032-3179
In: The political quarterly, Band 80, Heft s1
ISSN: 1467-923X
In: The political quarterly: PQ, Band 80, Heft 1, S. S189
ISSN: 0032-3179
In: The political quarterly, Band 79, Heft 4, S. 466-475
ISSN: 1467-923X
Political debate in modern Britain has been structured by four narratives or traditions, called here 'Whig imperialist', 'Tory nationalist', 'democratic collectivist' and 'democratic republican'. The Whig imperialist tradition goes back to Edmund Burke; it is a tradition of responsive evolution, flexible statecraft, genial optimism and abhorrence of dogmatic absolutes. It prevailed for most of the nineteenth century, for most of the interwar period and for most of the 1950s and early‐1960s. Its Tory nationalist counterpart is tense, rebarbative and often shrill. At its core lies a primal fear of the dissolution of authority and a collapse of the social order. Its most notable exponents include Lord Salisbury, Enoch Powell and Margaret Thatcher. The democratic collectivist tradition stresses ineluctable progress towards a just and rational society, to be achieved by a strong, essentially technocratic central state, with the power and will to replace the wasteful, unjust chaos of the market place by planned co‐ordination. Formative influences on it were the great Fabian socialists, George Bernard Shaw and Sidney and Beatrice Webb; it achieved its apotheosis under the Attlee Government of 1945‐51. The democratic republican tradition is much more inchoate: its exponents have been the awkward squad of British democracy. The most glittering stars in the democratic republican firmament were probably John Milton, John Stuart Mill and R.H. Tawney. It stresses active self‐government and republican self respect, embodied in a vigorous civil society and strong local authorities. During the ninety‐odd years since Britain belatedly acquired a more‐or‐less democratic suffrage, the first three traditions have all been tested, almost to destruction. But though the fourth has had great influence on social movements of all kinds, governments at the centre have done little more than toy with it, usually for brief periods. The great question now is whether Britain is about to experience a democratic republican moment.
In: The political quarterly: PQ, Band 79, Heft 4, S. 466-475
ISSN: 0032-3179
In: The political quarterly, Band 78, Heft s1, S. 10-20
ISSN: 1467-923X
In: The political quarterly: PQ, Band 78, Heft 4, S. 577-580
ISSN: 0032-3179
In: The political quarterly, Band 77, Heft 2, S. 175-183
ISSN: 1467-923X
In: The political quarterly: PQ, Band 77, Heft 2, S. 175-183
ISSN: 0032-3179
In: The political quarterly, Band 76, Heft 3, S. 333-336
ISSN: 1467-923X
In: The political quarterly: PQ, Band 76, Heft 3, S. 333-336
ISSN: 0032-3179
In: The political quarterly, Band 75, Heft s1, S. 51-62
ISSN: 1467-923X
Explores historical & present relations between the state & the public domain in GB. The public domain is defined as a dimension of social life dependent on public institutions with its own set of practices enacted by private & public bodies. The public domain & the public sector & as a source of public trust are explained. The monarchical state of GB is reviewed among changes during the era of Gladstone, Thatcher, & Blair, & the state is criticized for its centralization & lack of accountability. Recommendations to stem the spreading culture of distrust with the British state & the public domain are presented. L. Collins Leigh
In: The political quarterly: PQ, Band 5, S. 51-62
ISSN: 0032-3179
In: The political quarterly, Band 71, Heft 3, S. 268-276
ISSN: 1467-923X