Suchergebnisse

We offer an analysis of a course taught during the 2012-2013 academic year to students from the Intercultural University of Veracruz. The article describes the context of the University, its teaching methods, and the subjects offered. Then, the article identifies students' perceptions of power, political actors, institutions, and the State according to their everyday reality and multicultural environment. Finally, as a result of the findings, the article interprets the ways in which the youngsters conceive power and their mistrusting and ambiguous vision of the State and public institutions ; Se presenta el análisis de una experiencia docente durante el curso 2012-2013 con estudiantes de la Universidad Veracruzana Intercultural, sede Las Selvas. En primer lugar, se expone el contexto de la Universidad, la dinámica docente y el plan de estudios desplegado. Después se muestran las reflexiones y los hallazgos de los estudiantes sobre su percepción del poder, los actores políticos, las instituciones y el Estado desde su cotidianidad y su entorno multicultural. Por último, se interpretan las formas de los jóvenes de concebir el poder y su visión desconfiada y ambigua sobre el Estado y las instituciones públicas

We offer an analysis of a course taught during the 2012-2013 academic year to students from the Intercultural University of Veracruz. The article describes the context of the University, its teaching methods, and the subjects offered. Then, the article identifies students' perceptions of power, political actors, institutions, and the State according to their everyday reality and multicultural environment. Finally, as a result of the findings, the article interprets the ways in which the youngsters conceive power and their mistrusting and ambiguous vision of the State and public institutions ; Se presenta el análisis de una experiencia docente durante el curso 2012-2013 con estudiantes de la Universidad Veracruzana Intercultural, sede Las Selvas. En primer lugar, se expone el contexto de la Universidad, la dinámica docente y el plan de estudios desplegado. Después se muestran las reflexiones y los hallazgos de los estudiantes sobre su percepción del poder, los actores políticos, las instituciones y el Estado desde su cotidianidad y su entorno multicultural. Por último, se interpretan las formas de los jóvenes de concebir el poder y su visión desconfiada y ambigua sobre el Estado y las instituciones públicas

We offer an analysis of a course taught during the 2012-2013 academic year to students from the Intercultural University of Veracruz. The article describes the context of the University, its teaching methods, and the subjects offered. Then, the article identifies students' perceptions of power, political actors, institutions, and the State according to their everyday reality and multicultural environment. Finally, as a result of the findings, the article interprets the ways in which the youngsters conceive power and their mistrusting and ambiguous vision of the State and public institutions ; Se presenta el análisis de una experiencia docente durante el curso 2012-2013 con estudiantes de la Universidad Veracruzana Intercultural, sede Las Selvas. En primer lugar, se expone el contexto de la Universidad, la dinámica docente y el plan de estudios desplegado. Después se muestran las reflexiones y los hallazgos de los estudiantes sobre su percepción del poder, los actores políticos, las instituciones y el Estado desde su cotidianidad y su entorno multicultural. Por último, se interpretan las formas de los jóvenes de concebir el poder y su visión desconfiada y ambigua sobre el Estado y las instituciones públicas

A decade ago of the firm of peace's processes and institutional opening taken place in Central America is necessary to make a pause to reflect on three fundamental problems. In first place to analyze the nature of the resulting regimes, in the performance of their institutions as well as in the public policies that they have gone developing. In second place, to observe the conduct, the projects and the discourse of the principal political actors in the electoral sand. And, finally, to reflect on the existing social behavior, analyzing their longings, perceptions and demands respect the immediate future. Probably, of this exercise will appear a contradictory balance. Some tings have improved while others not. Precisely because of this it is necessary to think again the policy in Central America since the international context as well as the challenges of this is area have changed remarkably. ; A una década de la firma de los procesos de paz y apertura institucional acontecidos en Centroamérica es necesario hacer una pausa para reflexionar sobre tres cuestiones fundamentales. En primer lugar, analizar la naturaleza de los regímenes resultantes, tanto en el desempeño de sus instituciones como en las políticas públicas que han ido desarrollando. En segundo lugar, observar la conducta, los proyectos y el discurso de los principales actores políticos presentes en la arena electoral. Y, finalmente, reflexionar sobre el tejido social existente, analizando sus anhelos, percepciones y demandas respecto al futuro inmediato. De este ejercicio probablemente aparezca un balance contradictorio. Algunas cosas han mejorado mientas que otras no. Precisamente por ello es necesario pensar nuevamente la política en Centroamérica ya que tanto el contexto internacional como los retos de ésta han cambiado notablemente.

This article analyze critically the social and economical transformation promoted by the Sandinista agricultural reform and its achievements. The agricultural sector aims at the revolutionary context were three: alimentary self-supply, currency generation and social and economical production organization. Another special issue of agricultural reform was the transformation of social production organization and the political join of productive actors through union organizations. ; El presente trabajo pretende analizar críticamente la transformación social y económica que supuso la reforma agraria sandinista y sus alcances. Los objetivos del sector agropecuario en el contexto revolucionario eran tres: autoabastecimiento alimentario, generación de divisas a través del sector agroexportador y la organización social y política de la producción. Otro aspecto de la reforma agraria fue la transformación de la organización social de la producción y la consiguiente vinculación política de los actores productivos mediante las organizaciones gremiales.

Politics in the Development World.Peter Burnell y Vicky Randall. Nueva York: Oxford University Press,2005.

The past two decades have seen the emergence of various political actors in Latin America for whom indigenousness is their basic social identity. The appearance of indigenous movements at this time can be attributed to a change in the structure of political opportunities in response to globalization, which has created a situation in which policy making is no longer controlled by governments but increasingly the result of the interaction of a wide variety of actors. Indigenous peoples have been empowered by alliances with actors that have provided them greater capacity for applying pressure through relationships, including churches, anthropologists, and international advocacy networks. The emergence of indigenous movements has created an international regime on the rights of indigenous peoples, the adoption of a new jurisprudence with regard to indigenous peoples, and the creation of autonomous territories, though there is still no agreement on the best way to articulate these territories. Some of these movements have been more successful than others; the indigenous peoples of the lowlands have benefited from the greater participation of their movements in the international environment, but their triumphs tend to be local. While progress is tangible, the events of the past two decades indicate the limits of the permeability of Latin American polyarchies.

AbstractThis article explores the capacity of the Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN) to adapt to a changing Nicaraguan political environment over the last three decades. It focuses on the FSLN's transformation from the 1980s until its recent return to power. The analysis uses the tools offered by studies on the transformation and adaptation of political parties in adverse contexts. It concentrates on the four key stages of the FSLN's transformation: the 1980s, the five-year period following the FSLN's defeat in the elections (1990–1995), the following decade in opposition (1996–2006), and the return to government. The key elements of the FSLN's adaptation relate to the centralization of party resources around the undisputed leadership of Daniel Ortega.

Después de haber liderado un proceso revolucionario en Nicaragua durante losaños ochenta y de haber perdido el poder en unas elecciones en 1990, el FSLN consiguió nuevamente el poder en unos comicios celebrados en noviembre de 2006. Para ello el FSLN tuvo que transformarse de una organización vanguardista y corporativa a otro tipo de organización partidaria. Esta mutación supuso para el FSLN enfrentar profundos cambios organizativos, simbólicos y estratégicos. La interpretación de estos cambios y del tipo de partido resultante (a la luz de la literatura del cambio organizativo en los partidos políticos) es el objetivo de este texto que parte de la hipótesis que el proceso de «adaptación» del FSLN ha supuesto una deriva personalista y desinstitucionalizadora de la organización partidaria. ; After leading a revolutionary process in Nicaragua during the 1980s and losing power in the 1990 elections, the FSLN once again gained power through the elections of November 2006. In order to achieve this, the FSLN had to shed its vanguardista, corporative image. This entailed profound changes in its organisation, symbols and strategies. This article interprets these changes and the type of party created as a result of them (in light of the literature on organisational change within political parties). It argues that the FSLN s process of «adaptation» has made the party organisation more personalised and less institutionalised.