Suchergebnisse

Leaders who can accumulate audience costs can send costly signals that may help alleviate information problems associated with crisis escalation. We argue that research examining the effect of audience costs fails to appreciate the theoretical context in which audience costs matter. Audience costs may help alleviate information problems associated with international conflict. However, credible commitment problems are more central than information problems for some international conflicts. Theory does not expect audience costs to matter in this context; as a result, extant tests, and many criticisms, of the effect of audience costs on crisis escalation are flawed. We offer a more appropriate test of the effect of audience costs on crisis escalation. Consistent with extant theoretical arguments, we find that audience costs only reduce the likelihood of conflict when credible commitment problems are not the dominant concern motivating a dispute or crisis.

Does gender equality in politics in donor countries affect the allocation to recipient countries of official development assistance in support of gender equality in politics? Since the 1995 Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action and the launch of the United Nations Millennium Development Goals in 2000, gender equality has been underscored as an important development goal for donors. We hypothesize that donors with higher levels of gender equality in politics are likely to allocate more aid to recipients with lower levels of gender equality in politics to promote the equality in politics in those countries. We expect this positive relationship to be even more significant after the launch of the Millennium Development Goals. Using a time-series cross-sectional design covering country dyads for the period, 1990–2012, we find evidence supporting our hypotheses.

In the past several years, the Republic of Korea—a former least developed country (LDC) and aid recipient that became a donor—joined the "club of emerging donors" to Africa. In March 2006, President Roh Moohyun declared Korea's Initiative for Africa's Development. The initiative puts poverty reduction and socioeconomic development of African countries in the forefront. Using pooled cross-sectional time series data, in this study we examine the determinants of Korean bilateral official development assistance (ODA) to Africa for the period 1991–2011. The findings of the study suggest that the approach of Korean ODA does not differ significantly from that of many conventional donors whose ODA disbursement has had a dual purpose: to improve the welfare of developing countries and to serve self-interests.

Abstracts
While the shadow economy seems to have both positive and negative effects on a country's macroeconomy, almost all governments have attempted to control the shadow economy to prevent the loss of tax revenues and the attendant impact on the government budget. Even though official development assistance (ODA) has no formal link with the shadow economy, we often observe a relationship between the two in recipient countries. We argue that ODA can increase the size of the shadow economy in recipient countries through both government and individual-level flows of ODA to the shadow economy. We analyzed data on the shadow economies of 107 ODA recipients from 1990 to 2018 using both fixed effect and Driscoll–Kraay estimators. The results show that recipients receiving a higher volume of ODA are more likely to have a larger shadow economy. Moreover, the relationship between ODA and the shadow economy is stronger in more corrupt recipients. We dealt with endogeneity issues using the generalized method of moments, which supported our findings.