Suchergebnisse

The European Economic Community/European Union was born as an economy-oriented organization, which was to facilitate rebuilding of the Old Continent after WWII through extensive cooperation, particularly in trade. However, the appetites of the state leaders were growing along the progress of the integration processes; the economic success was an argument for further integration of the European countries. Due to this, the organization was given the ability to make decisions and influence decision-makers at the national level in subsequent spheres that earlier were the sole prerogative of states. Still, for many years EU members determinedly guarded their competences regarding broadly understood security, predominantly defence. Successive attempts to accelerate integration in this area were not effective enough to develop a real common defence policy. One of the last initiatives, Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO), is supposed to help change this situation. It is therefore necessary to pose several questions: What is PESCO? What is EU members' attitude towards developing this form of cooperation? What does this cooperation look like at the early implementation stages? What factors determine the involvement of the 'old' and 'new' EU member states? This article is an attempt to answer these questions.

The agreement of the round table signed on April 5, 1989, resulted in the creation of the government of Tadeusz Mazowiecki (September 12, 1989) and the end of communist rule in Poland. However, it should be pointed out that the agreement of the round table is currently often criticized. It is claimed, among other things, that the agreement was a form of "unification of the elite" (the term Jack Kuroń) to obtain financial and political benefits. As a result, the mixed communist-solidarity elite has taken over power in the country, guided solely by their own interests. It is also stressed that the contract has enabled the Communists to retain enormous influence in the special services, state administration, various institutions, the economy, and finance. On the other hand, these irregularities have been attributed to the solidarity elites who consider the round table agreements to be persistent. Other parts of the solidarity elite treated the round table exclusively as tactical action to take power away from the Communists.

Although Western Balkan economies are still on the list of EU candidates or potential candidate countries, they do have some integration with EU economies. The EU is the leading trading partner of the Western Balkans and is one of the top destinations for the fl ow of people. The Western Balkan economies have been trying to address their populations' ongoing emigration (the so-called "brain drain" phenomenon) by implementing targeted economic policies. Since one of the main contributors to economic growth is the ability to create innovation, it is crucial to building innovation potential. The main challenge for innovation policy is to provide a favourable environment for entrepreneurship and economic growth to create jobs. Thus, this paper aims to examine innovation potential – an innovation input – as it creates the conditions needed for innovation development. The results of analysing the data (on research and development spending, human resources, an environment friendly to innovation, and intellectual property rights) indicate that the Western Balkan countries are lagging behind the EU in many aspects of innovation potential, so they should still develop their strategies towards creating higher innovation potential. Thus, they will be able to have a higher level of innovation and, as a result, be more competitive in economic terms.

The purpose of this article is to present the operational capabilities of the OSCE in regulating armed conflicts and their application in the former Eastern bloc countries. In order to show the role of the OSCE in the regulation of armed conflicts, OSCE operational capabilities have been structured in a conceptual grid including: OSCE regulatory tools – in the form of missions, field offices and field coordinators; regulatory mechanisms and emergency mechanisms applied in the light of the peaceful pathways of OSCE involvement in the regulatory process. The common feature of operation at each phase is the broadly understood maintenance of stability or achieving stability. There are armed conflicts against which the OSCE has selectively used regulatory activity, omitting certain phases of the conflict, and those against which the application of regulatory tools has not led to lasting stabilisation. The results presented in the paper confirm the correctness of considering the above theories against the background of the conflict cycle concept. Institutional and legal analysis and comparative analysis were used in this paper.

The participatory budget is an important element of the catalogue of tools for involving residents in the local decision-making. The positive effects of involving many citizens in the decision-making process slowly bear fruit in attempts to transfer p.b. into other spheres. This article analyses how these well-known patterns are adapted to new conditions – at universities. Several of them decided to introduce their own participatory budget. A comparative analysis of the local government model and solutions adopted by three universities provides the answer to this question. The hypothesis assumes that the civic budget at universities and polytechnics is, for the most part, a modification of the model used in cities with district status. As shown, the municipal participatory budget is a proven basis for creating its own regulations. However, the available schemes should be modified.

The authors examine the threats from hazardous toxic materials from World War II wrecks sunk in the Baltic Sea and their cargo of chemical ammunition, indicate Poland's reaction to this situation, and map out Polish obligations in this regard. This problem gives rise to multiple uncertainties about the exact nature of threats to environmental/ecological security, marine security, human security (including health security), economic security and food safety. The authors also elaborate on legal regulations relevant in this context. The research methods include formal-institutional analysis of relevant legal documents and discourse analysis. The main conclusions are: 1. toxic materials in the Baltic Sea threaten ecological, economic, human and security; 2. food safety in all Baltic states might be endangered; Poland should accede to the Nairobi Wreck Removal Convention; and Poland should cooperate regionally to resolve the problem of the Baltic chemical waste.

The purpose of the paper is to highlight the activities of the representatives of the Republic of Poland in the UN Security Council in the status of a non-permanent member in 2018-2019, in particular regarding the resolving of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict. The method of content analysis of state program documents, Internet portals of the government of the Republic of Poland and the United Nations, and scientific literature was used in the implementation of the goal. The problem-chronological method made it possible to trace the history of the participation of the Republic of Poland in the UN. The methodology is based on the principles of historicism and objectivity. The scientific novelty of the research lies in the new understanding of the role of Polish diplomacy in the UN Security Council after the occupation of Crimea and the start of Russia's hybrid war in Donbas. The analysis made it possible to formulate the following conclusions. The Republic of Poland – one of the founding states of the UN – tried to be an active member of the organization, including by participating in the work of its main bodies. Poland was elected a non-permanent member of the Security Council six times. The main priorities of Polish diplomacy at the UN Security Council in 2018-2019 included: respect for international law, protection of civilians in armed conflicts, peace and security in Eastern Europe. Much attention was paid to the issue of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, which, thanks to the Polish side, did not disappear from the body's agenda and was discussed in various contexts. The Polish delegates consistently reminded about the negative impact of the violation of international law and agreements by the Russian Federation, the situation in the occupied territories of Crimea and Donbas, and in the Black and Azov seas. They tried to present the consequences of the occupation of Crimea and the war in Donbas not only as a problem of regional security, but also as a global challenge to the international legal order. The Polish state made a significant contribution to the formation and strengthening of the international coalition in support of Ukraine in countering the aggression of the Russian Federation. An obstacle to an effective resolution of the Ukrainian issue was primarily the specificity and composition of the UN Security Council, where non-permanent members play only a limited role, and one of the permanent members is an aggressor country. The example of the debate surrounding the resolution of the Ukrainian issue once again proves the deficit of UN deep reform

The author presents selected ventures in the area of climate change mitigation and adaptation that negatively affect indigenous peoples. Against this factual background, she analyzes relevant international legal regulations. Such an analysis enables the answer to the main research question: can climate change adaptation and mitigation actions be the justification for disrespecting the rights of indigenous peoples? The research method adopted is legal- -institutional analysis which includes an examination of the content of legal and other documents. Combined with critical analysis of literature and media reports this analysis allows representation of the reality – violations of the rights of indigenous peoples as a part of efforts to counteract climate change. Recommendations and main findings include: climate change adaptation and mitigation measures may not justify violations of the rights of indigenous peoples; such measures have to be developed in collaboration with indigenous communities; indigenous peoples' rights may not be perceived as a factor hindering the State's economic development or an obstacle to environmental protection; indigenous knowledge should be included in the strategies to combat climate change. Indigenous peoples should be regularly consulted by policy makers so that the their traditional knowledge is incorporated in decisions regarding these matters.

The Eastern Partnership is a part of the European Neighbourhood Policy focusing on the EU's Eastern neighbours. Its main objective is to deepen the political and economic integration of the EU with six countries in Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus: Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine. The aim of this paper is to assess the development of EU trade relations with Eastern Partnership Countries from 2002 to 2021 and to indicate its prospects. The results show that the EU is in a group of main trading partners of the Eastern Partnership countries. The EU noticed both: a trade surplus with Belarus, Georgia, Moldova, Ukraine and Armenia (except in 2005); and a trade deficit with Azerbaijan. The volumes of imports and exports had increased over the years which also led to better economic integration with the EU. However, the future EU-Eastern Partnership trade characteristics and dynamics remain unknown due to the Russian invasion on Ukraine that caused troubles in trade flows in Ukraine and economic sanctions on Russia and Belarus.