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Neo-liberal populist parties, like Forza Italia or Lijst Pim Fortuyn, aim to reverse the trend towards big government and state intervention while at the same time defending the 'ordinary people' against an allegedly 'corrupt elite'. While it is possible to distinguish neo-liberal populism from the populist radical right, it is less clear whether the causes of their electoral successes might be differentiated as well. This article attempts to explain the unexpected breakthrough of the neo-liberal populist Lijst Dedecker (LDD), a new party which gained representation in the Belgian parliament in 2007. It is argued that LDD profited from an electoral opportunity structure – that is, an ideological gap between the mainstream parties, which had converged to the centre, and the Vlaams Belang on the radical right – and the populist appeal from its charismatic leader. Both the populist radical right and neo-liberal populism seem to profit mainly from the same breeding ground.

This article critically assesses the study of Boomgaarden and Vliegenthart (2007) on the relationship between media content and anti-immigrant party support. With regard to conceptualization, it is argued that their dependent variable is flawed, because it groups two parties together that do not belong to the same party family. Some data-related issues, such as measurement equivalence, are also discussed. Finally, it is argued that the causality might be easily reversed. Because anti-immigrant parties are able to exploit issues which are neglected by mainstream parties, it is possible that the media will give more attention to these issues. This study concludes that a causal relationship between news content and anti-immigrant party support is nonexistent in the Dutch case. [Copyright Elsevier Ltd.]

Partie de :Brack, N. Rittelmeyer, Y. S. & Stanculescu, C. (2009). Les élections européennes de 2009 :entre national et européen: Une analyse des campagnes électorales dans 22 Etats membres. (CEVIPOL Working Papers / Cahiers du CEVIPOL No 3). ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published

In this article we explained the differential electoral appeal of the extreme right in the municipalities of Antwerp. The electoral geography of the Vlaams Blok demonstrated that the further one lives from the city of Antwerp, the less likely one is to vote for the extreme right. This phenomenon was explained trough a specific urbanization pattern & the so called contamination hypothesis. We also found that the presence of migrants & the unemployment rate had a significant correlation with the score of the VB. This helped to understand why some municipalities were characterized by a long distance from the city & yet a high score for the VB. The supply side of the VB was also analyzed. This revealed that the proportion of preferential votes for the VB correlated highly with the electoral score of the VB in the municipalities of Antwerp. Tables, Figures, Appendixes. Adapted from the source document.

Le fichier attaché à cette référence, version publiée de l'œuvre, est librement accessible, sans embargo, en accord avec les Editions de l'Université de Bruxelles ; http://www.editions-universite-bruxelles.be/fiche/view/2679 ; http://www.editions-universite-bruxelles.be/fiche/view/2679 ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published

The cartel party model has triggered a burgeoning literature on its theoretical implications, and has been largely tested empirically. Nevertheless, the dimension of the model that concern the relationship between members and elites has been rather neglected, even though the membership role variables are the sole features of the cartel party that transcend the simple intensification of the previous catch‐all model and that carry the most extensive explanatory power. This article explores the role of party membership and activism in contemporary parties in two West European party systems to assess in a quantitative way the applicability of the cartel party theory. We explore the relationship between party ideology and the degree of cartelization. By examining the relationship between all these different dimensions, we challenge the idea that a retrenched membership role and cartelization are linked processes.El modelo de partido de cartel ha disparado una floreciente literatura sobre sus implicaciones teóricas y ha sido ampliamente probado empíricamente. Sin embargo, la dimensión del modelo que concierne a la relación entre los miembros y las elites ha sido descuidada, aun cuando las variables del rol de la afiliación son las únicas características del partido de cartel que trascienden la simple intensificación del modelo catch‐all y que tienen el poder de explicación más extenso. Este artículo explora el rol de la afiliación partidista y del activismo en dos sistemas de partidos de Europa Occidental para evaluar de una manera cuantitativa la aplicabilidad de la teoría del partido de cartel. Exploramos la relación entre la ideología del partido y el grado de cartelización. A partir del análisis de la relación entre todas estas dimensiones, desafiamos la idea de que el rol de una afiliación reducida y la cartelización sean procesos relacionados.

AbstractIt has been suggested that political distrust is associated with lower levels of voter turnout and increased votes for challenger or populist parties. We investigate the relationship between political (dis)trust and electoral behaviour using the 2009 Belgian Election Study. Belgium presents an interesting case because compulsory voting (with an accompanying turnout rate of 90.4 per cent) compels distrusting voters to participate in elections. Nevertheless, distrusting voters are significantly more inclined to cast a blank or invalid vote. Second, distrust is positively associated with a preference for extreme right (Vlaams Belang) and populist (Lijst Dedecker) parties. Third, in party systems where there is no supply of viable challengers (i.e. the French-speaking region of Belgium), the effect of political trust on party preference is limited. We conclude that electoral effects of political distrust are determined by the electoral and party system and the supply of electoral protest.

This contribution assesses whether populism is inherently embedded in and combined with the ideology of sub-state nationalist parties, using Belgium as a case study. We argue that sub-state nationalist parties tend to emphasize the opposition between a territorial community ('us') versus a dominant center ('them'), a dichotomous view that could overlap with the populist ideology focusing on the opposition between the homogeneous people and the 'corrupt' elite. We compare the policy positions of the three major sub-state nationalist parties that operate in Belgium: the Vlaams Belang, the New Flemish Alliance (N-VA) and Democrat Federalist Independent, using their manifestos and membership magazines between 2010 and 2015. We show that the manner in which sub-state nationalist parties combine their stances on territoriality to a populist rationale depends on their relationship to power (government vs. opposition). In doing so, this contribution uniquely relates populism to the territorial dimension of Belgian politics. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published