Suchergebnisse

L'émigration des Juifs soviétiques : un objectif humanitaire pour la politique étrangère américaine durant la guerre froide Cet article analyse le processus qui conduisit l'émigration des Juifs soviétiques à devenir un des objectifs de la politique étrangère des États-Unis à l'égard de l'URSS à partir de 1974, date à laquelle le Congrès adopta l'amendement Jackson-Vanik liant avantages économiques et libéralisation de la politique migratoire soviétique. Rejetant l'argument de l'affinité idéologique des Américains pour le combat des Juifs soviétiques, il insiste sur le rôle d'Israël et des organisations juives dans la sensibilisation du Congrès au sort des Juifs d'URSS. Il montre que, une fois l'amendement adopté, la Maison-Blanche fut contrainte d'aborder cette question dans ses négociations avec le Kremlin, même si cela devait nuire à sa politique étrangère soviétique. Au cours des présidences successives, elle le fit plus ou moins malgré elle et motivée par des considérations oscillant entre aspirations humanitaires et anticommunisme.

This article analyses how Soviet Jewish emigration became one of the objectives of American foreign policy vis-a-vis the USSR from 1974, when Congress adopted the Jackson-Vanik amendment that linked economic privileges to the liberalization of Soviet emigration policy. Contesting the argument of an ideological affinity between Americans & the struggle of Soviet Jews, it insists on the role of Israel & Jewish organizations in making Congress aware of the plight of Soviet Jews. It shows that once the amendment was adopted, the White House was constrained to raise the Soviet Jewish emigration issue with the Kremlin, even if this impinged on its main objectives vis-a-vis Moscow. In successive administrations, the issue was discussed more or less benevolently, depending on the state of US-Soviet relations, & with changing motivations, oscillating between human rights & anti-communism. Adapted from the source document.

This article reviews the key historiographical issues related to the Great Ukrainian Famine of 1932-1933. It focuses on the reasons why the famine was surrounded by silence, examining Moscow's motivations and the international context of the early 1930s. It shows that, however, voices of witnesses, supported by the disclosure of reliable archives, were successful to fight this logic of negationism. Historians, backed by these newly legitimized sources, have progressively been able to discuss the causes of the famine, until consensus was reached on the Kremlin's will to bring the farmers to heel.

part, I Israel, Instigator of Mobilization within the Diaspora, 1953–63 -- chapter Introduction -- chapter 1 The Jewish Community Reaches Political Maturity -- chapter 2 Mobilization in the Postwar Years -- chapter 3 An American Campaign Orchestrated by Israel, 1955–63 -- part, II From Community Mobilization to Humanitarian Movement, 1964–71 -- chapter 4 An American Movement in Support of the Rights of Soviet Jewry, 1964–66 -- chapter 5 The Six-Day War -- A Turning Point for the American Jewish Community, 1967–71 -- part, III The Emigration of Soviet Jewry -- A Central Issue in Soviet-American Relations, 1972–Late 1980s -- chapter 6 The Emigration of Soviet Jewry -- An Obstacle to Détente, 1972–74 -- chapter 7 Jewish Rights or Human Rights in the Soviet Union? 1975–79 -- chapter 8 Jewish Emigration as a Barometer of US-Soviet Relations in the 1980s.

Transnational actors are often assumed to be autonomous in their attempts to influence states. But whenever both share common interests, opportunities for mutual influences exist and states can try to use transnational actors to further their own objectives. Whereas the theoretical discussion in IR has largely overlooked this possibility, it is no stranger to scholars of diasporas and nationalism. Informed by this literature, we apply our notion of state-influenced non-governmental organizations to the field of transnational diaspora politics with its complex relationships between diasporas and their homeland and host states. Our historical case study demonstrates how Israel, via its secret office 'Nativ', significantly influenced the Jewish diaspora and other transnational actors in the mobilization for Soviet Jewish emigration during the Cold War. States are thus not only targets of transnational actors — they can also influence and even initiate transnational movements. In our conclusion, we discuss why such reciprocal relationships should be generally taken into account in the study of transnational relations.

Transnational actors are often assumed to be autonomous in their attempts to influence states. But whenever both share common interests, opportunities for mutual influences exist and states can try to use transnational actors to further their own objectives. Whereas the theoretical discussion in IR has largely overlooked this possibility, it is no stranger to scholars of diasporas and nationalism. Informed by this literature, we apply our notion of state-influenced non-governmental organizations to the field of transnational diaspora politics with its complex relationships between diasporas and their homeland and host states. Our historical case study demonstrates how Israel, via its secret office 'Nativ', significantly influenced the Jewish diaspora and other transnational actors in the mobilization for Soviet Jewish emigration during the Cold War. States are thus not only targets of transnational actors -- they can also influence and even initiate transnational movements. In our conclusion, we discuss why such reciprocal relationships should be generally taken into account in the study of transnational relations. Figures, References. [Reprinted by permission; copyright 2005 Sage Publications Ltd. & ECPR-European Consortium for Political Research.]

L'échec de l' Onu est-il dû au fait que les nations démocratiques sont obligées de composer avec tous les régimes autoritaires de la planète ? Ne faut-il pas en tirer les conséquences en créant une union mondiale d'un nouveau type, réservée exclusivement aux démocraties ? Cette idée qui se développe aux États-Unis recèle de nombreuses difficultés cachées.

L'affaire Dreyfus est en partie née de l'utilisation en 1894 d'un dossier secret communiqué de manière illégale au jury qui fit condamner le capitaine.Certaines des pièces de ce dossier, dont le contenu exact n'est pas encore précisément connu aujourd'hui, étaient tirées d'une correspondance homosexuelle entre deux attachés militaires étrangers à Paris, l'Allemand Maximilien von Schwartzkoppen et l'Italien Alessandro Panizzardi. L'article démontre que la dimension homosexuelle de ces pièces a été délibérément mise en valeur dans le dossier de 1894, dont une nouvelle reconstitution est proposée. Il fait l'hypothèse que cette dimension a incité les officiers membres du jury à condamner Dreyfus,malgré le fait que ce dernier n'était nullement homosexuel,parce que homophobie et antisémitisme étaient souvent reliés dans le contexte politcoculturel de l'époque.L'article conclut en analysant les raisons pour lesquelles cet aspect de l'Affaire a été négligé jusqu'à présent.