Suchergebnisse

Examines how identities are formed & expressed in multiethnic Trinidad & Tobago in terms of an analytic typology comprising four identities: ethnonational/ethnolocal, national, regional, & trans-Caribbean Trinidadian. Demonstrated is how these identities form & are engaged, revealing competing & supportive forces. It is found that the ethnolocal family & community bond provides the basis for the self. Three samples of national sites of interethnic conflict are presented: elections/political campaigns, employment in the public bureaucracy, & cultural politics. However, countervailing forces of unity exist in the shared school & public transportation system, language, sports, workplace, & laws. Yet balance is seen to lean toward the contentious forces. Regionally, some unifying themes are apparent, but they cannot redefine the range of shared Afro- & Indo-Trinidad meanings that underpin the respective ethnic communities. At the transnational level, antagonisms reproduced by the older generations are less apparent among the new metropolitan-born generations of the Trinidadian diaspora who are influenced by environmental factors & forces in the recasting of transnational identities. 2 Tables, 41 References. J. Zendejas

Examines how identities are formed & expressed in multiethnic Trinidad & Tobago in terms of an analytic typology comprising four identities: ethnonational/ethnolocal, national, regional, & trans-Caribbean Trinidadian. Demonstrated is how these identities form & are engaged, revealing competing & supportive forces. It is found that the ethnolocal family & community bond provides the basis for the self. Three samples of national sites of interethnic conflict are presented: elections/political campaigns, employment in the public bureaucracy, & cultural politics. However, countervailing forces of unity exist in the shared school & public transportation system, language, sports, workplace, & laws. Yet balance is seen to lean toward the contentious forces. Regionally, some unifying themes are apparent, but they cannot redefine the range of shared Afro- & Indo-Trinidad meanings that underpin the respective ethnic communities. At the transnational level, antagonisms reproduced by the older generations are less apparent among the new metropolitan-born generations of the Trinidadian diaspora who are influenced by environmental factors & forces in the recasting of transnational identities. 2 Tables, 41 References. J. Zendejas

Discusses the conflicts resulting from ethnonationalism, self-determination, and globalization, by studying the example of Bougainville, province of Papua New Guinea, and the evolution of the Bougainville Revolutionary Army (BRA) separatist movement; since the 1980s, chiefly. Some focus on military confrontation between the Papua New Guinea Defense Force (PNG DF), role of international actors, and the Panguna mine.

Most post-Cold War conflicts are based primarily on peoples' rights to self-determination & the recognition of substate ethnocultural groups that challenge the territorial & political definition of the states in which they exist. Many of these groups have secessionist goals; the situation of Bougainville, seeking separation from Papua New Guinea, is analyzed here as an example. The separatist phenomenon entails several stages: formation; resource allocation, recognition, & devolution; temporary stalemate; peaceful struggle; open conflict; intolerable threshold; & third-party intervention. The history of the Bougainville separatist movement is recounted in terms of these stages. However, it is contended that, if Bougainville can be given a means of staying united with Papua New Guinea that upholds its dignity, peace may be achieved. D. Weibel

Explores the transition of racist practices in the Caribbean from the overt racism of the earlier stages of settlement to the more indirect & subtle discrimination persistent today. It is argued that the diversity of cultures in the Caribbean is conducive to social differentiation based on race & color. From the genocide of the Amerindians to the enslavement of Africans to indentured servitude, the long history of Caribbean racism is discussed in the context of the still prevalent color-class system. The new racism is one based on custom, cliqueism, & nepotism. The racist/antiracist struggle is discussed through several contemporary Caribbean examples: Guyana, Trinidad, Surinam, Haiti, Belize, Martinique, Guadeloupe, & French Guyana, as well as the English-speaking Caribbean & Cuba. 35 References. M. Greenberg

PAPUA BESENA WAS AN ETHNONATIONALIST MOVEMENT. ALTHOUGH ITS PRIMORDIAL SUPPORT BASES WERE RELATIVELY WEAK, ITS NON-PRIMORDIAL FOUNDATIONS WERE SUFFICIENTLY STRONG TO DRAW AN EMOTIONAL ETHNIC BOUNDARY AROUND A SUBSTANTIAL PART OF PAPUA. AS A SEPARATIST MOVEMENT, IT WAS NOT FULLY DEVELOPED, BUT ITS STRENGTH WAS GROWING. GOVERNMENT RESPONSES WERE MULTIFACETED AND MODERATE, BUT THEY SEEMED TO OFFER A CURE THAT WAS NOT RELEVANT TO THE NATURE OF THE PROBLEM. THE GOVERNMENT'S SOLUTIONS WERE ESSENTIALLY MATERIAL REWARDS AND INTERNAL AUTONOMY, WHICH WOULD HAVE BEEN EFFECTIVE IF THE MOVEMENT HAD A PRAGMATIC BASE. AFTER THE 1977 GENERAL ELECTIONS, WHEN PAPUA BESENA REACHED ITS PEAK BY WINNING SEVERAL PARLIAMENTARY SEATS, THE SECESSIONISTS SETTLED DOWN. IN SUBSEQUENT YEARS, THE MOVEMENT SUCCUMBED TO INTERNAL SCHISMS. SEPARATIST GROUPS TEND TO RECEDE TEMPORARILY, AND OFTEN THEY EVEN APPEAR DEFUNCT, BUT SOONER OR LATER, MOST REASSERT THEMSELVES WITH VIGOR. THUS, THE PAPUA BESENA MOVEMENT COULD RISE AGAIN IN THE FUTURE.