Suchergebnisse

Celem artykułu jest analiza uwarunkowań udziału Polski w afrykańskich operacjach wojskowych Unii Europejskiej na tle ewolucji polskiego stanowiska wobec koncepcji realizacji Wspólnej Polityki Bezpieczeństwa i Obrony. W tekście przedstawiono polskie doświadczenia z udziału w operacjach, a także ocenę jego konsekwencji w odniesieniu do deklarowanych priorytetów polskiej polityki zagranicznej. Autorka wskazuje także na główne przyczyny zmiany stanowiska polskiego wobec dalszego zaangażowania na kontynencie afrykańskim. Zwraca uwagę na przekształcenia wewnątrz Unii oraz ich odbiór przez stronę polską. ; The purpose of this paper is to analyze the conditions behind Polish participation in the European Union's military operations in Africa. The author attempts to describe the evolution of the Polish position on the concept of the Common Security and Defence Policy. The text presents the Polish experiences, gained during operations, and assessments of the outcomes of Polish involvement, against the declared priorities of Polish foreign policy. The author also points out the main causes of changes in the Polish stance against further involvement on the African continent. She draws attention to the transformations within the EU and their reception by the Polish government.

Celem artykułu jest ukazanie zmiennych określających ramy polityki Unii wobec Egiptu w latach 2012-2014, a także analiza zakresu nowego podejścia do kształtowania wzajemnych relacji w ich wymiarze politycznym. Szczególna uwaga skupiona została na mechanizmie zastosowania instrumentów poszczególnych polityk unijnych na tle wydarzeń na scenie politycznej Egiptu. Powyższe rozważania pozwolą na przedstawienie wniosków dotyczących dalszych możliwości prowadzenia działań przez Unię Europejską w określonych ramach współpracy z Egiptem, biorąc pod uwagę konieczność ustalania wspólnych interesów, jak i wdrażania wypracowanego stanowiska. ; The paper attempts to indicate the variables that define the framework of EU policy towards Egypt in 2012-2014, and to analyse the scope of the new approach to mutual relations in terms of politics. Particular attention is given to the mechanism of various instruments applied by different EU policies and their implementation in the context of political developments in Egypt. These considerations allow the author to draw conclusions on the future possibilities for the European Union to continue its activities within the framework of cooperation in Egypt, taking into consideration the necessity to agree on common interests and to implement an adopted standpoint.

The paper attempts to indicate the variables that define the framework of EU policy towards Egypt in 2012–2014, and to analyse the scope of the new approach to mutual relations in terms of politics. Particular attention is given to the mechanism of various instruments applied by different EU policies and their implementation in the context of political developments in Egypt. These considerations allow the author to draw conclusions on the future possibilities for the European Union to continue its activities within the framework of cooperation in Egypt, taking into consideration the necessity to agree on common interests and to implement an adopted stand- point. ; The paper attempts to indicate the variables that define the framework of EU policy towards Egypt in 2012–2014, and to analyse the scope of the new approach to mutual relations in terms of politics. Particular attention is given to the mechanism of various instruments applied by different EU policies and their implementation in the context of political developments in Egypt. These considerations allow the author to draw conclusions on the future possibilities for the European Union to continue its activities within the framework of cooperation in Egypt, taking into consideration the necessity to agree on common interests and to implement an adopted stand- point.

Celem artykułu jest ukazanie uwarunkowań reorientacji polityki Unii wobec regionu Afryki Północnej po roku 2011, w związku z jej zaangażowaniem podczas 'arabskiej wiosny', a także analiza zakresu nowego podejścia w odniesieniu do praktycznych możliwości wdrażania unijnych instrumentów polityk. Powyższe rozważania pozwolą na przedstawienie wniosków dotyczących dalszego zaangażowania Unii Europejskiej w regionie Afryki Północnej i budowy nowych ram podejścia strategicznego UE w tym regionie, zarówno na płaszczyźnie ustalania interesów na arenie brukselskiej, jak i przedstawienia wypracowanego stanowiska i uruchomienia działań na arenie międzynarodowej. ; The paper attempts to indicate the determinants of the reorientation of the European Union's policy towards North Africa after 2011 on account of the EU's involvement in the Arab Spring and to analyze the new attitude to the possibilities of practical implementation of EU policy instruments. These considerations allow conclusions on further EU involvement in North Africa and building new frameworks for the EU's strategic approach in this region to be presented both in terms of how various interests are established in Brussels and how the joint standpoint is presented and practical activities launched internationally.

Following the changes introduced by the Lisbon Treaty, the European Council elects its permanent president by a qualified majority. The first President of the European Council developed his office on his own, watched by those whose expectations envisaged him performing various tasks, such as leader, political strategist, broker, or just another EU official. The Treaty did not precisely define the range of powers conferred upon the President of the European Council but it provided a stimulus to start the adaptation of this new position to specific tasks. There is emerging a new, post-Lisbon practice of the new institutional system's operation, as well as the new form of the European Council, with a key role played by its President. The objective of this paper is to present the circumstances under which the office of President of the European Council was established, as well as an analysis of the scope of his responsibilities. These considerations are concluded with the evaluation of the theoretical and practical powers exercised by the President of the European Council during the first, and at the beginning of the second term. ; Following the changes introduced by the Lisbon Treaty, the European Council elects its permanent president by a qualified majority. The first President of the European Council developed his office on his own, watched by those whose expectations envisaged him performing various tasks, such as leader, political strategist, broker, or just another EU official. The Treaty did not precisely define the range of powers conferred upon the President of the European Council but it provided a stimulus to start the adaptation of this new position to specific tasks. There is emerging a new, post-Lisbon practice of the new institutional system's operation, as well as the new form of the European Council, with a key role played by its President. The objective of this paper is to present the circumstances under which the office of President of the European Council was established, as well as an analysis of the scope of his responsibilities. These considerations are concluded with the evaluation of the theoretical and practical powers exercised by the President of the European Council during the first, and at the beginning of the second term.

Africa is subject of special interest for member states of the European Union. Since the beginning of the European Community, economical relations with African countries have been part of organization's functioning. Political aspect of those relations was a result of treaty amendments. During the summit of December 15–16, 2005, the EU Strategy for Africa was adopted by the European Council. The document was an example of comprehensive position of the European Union towards the African continent and served as a basis for the future strategic partnership between the European Union and Africa, confirmed during the second and the third summit of 2007 and 2010. The aim of this paper is to analise mechanisms of implementation of the EU Strategy for Africa. Attention will be paid to indicate the possibility and conditions of effective implementation and to evaluate effects of strategic partnership with Africa. ; Africa is subject of special interest for member states of the European Union. Since the beginning of the European Community, economical relations with African countries have been part of organization's functioning. Political aspect of those relations was a result of treaty amendments. During the summit of December 15–16, 2005, the EU Strategy for Africa was adopted by the European Council. The document was an example of comprehensive position of the European Union towards the African continent and served as a basis for the future strategic partnership between the European Union and Africa, confirmed during the second and the third summit of 2007 and 2010. The aim of this paper is to analise mechanisms of implementation of the EU Strategy for Africa. Attention will be paid to indicate the possibility and conditions of effective implementation and to evaluate effects of strategic partnership with Africa.

"The author describes Lampedusa island as a symbol of the 2011 border crisis in the European Union. She claims that this example illustrates both the creation of a second border-ring around Europe but also the danker of re-bordering by suspending the 'Schengen acquis' an internal EU borders. 'Externalization of Europe's borders' seems to be consequently the main tendency in the protection of EU common borders." (Abstract)

The analysis presented in this paper is based on a research assumption that the process of shaping of the Common Foreign and Security Policy, in particular its defense component, is affected by the dynamically changing influences (of the Member States) within the EU and the influence of the institutional mechanism of the EU and Member States. The shaping of this policy encounters numerous obstacles, the main one being the common political will of Member States, which is necessary for external operations related to the challenges to be met at the EU level. ; The analysis presented in this paper is based on a research assumption that the process of shaping of the Common Foreign and Security Policy, in particular its defense component, is affected by the dynamically changing influences (of the Member States) within the EU and the influence of the institutional mechanism of the EU and Member States. The shaping of this policy encounters numerous obstacles, the main one being the common political will of Member States, which is necessary for external operations related to the challenges to be met at the EU level.

Rada Europejska stopniowo przekształciła się w ośrodek podejmowania decyzji politycznych EWG, później Unii Europejskiej. Jej zakres formalnych i nieformalnych uprawnień stale się zwiększał. Kolejne postanowienia polityczne i wprowadzane prawne regulacje wyznaczały znaczące etapy tego procesu, ponieważ określały jej rolę i wiodącą funkcję w EWG. Artykuł odnosi się do źródeł i przejawów dynamiki instytucjonalnej w procesie rozwoju Rady Europejskiej w okresie 1961–1977. Jego celem jest analiza czynników warunkujących powstanie i rozwój Rady Europejskiej w świetle przyjmowanych decyzji politycznych, a także praktyki jej działań. Przedstawione w artykule zagadnienie oparte zostało na założeniu, iż ład strukturalny cechuje znacząca asymetryczność. Narastanie współzależności w kształtowanych relacjach między państwami w sytuacji potrzeby i konieczności współpracy zbiega się z procesem zmian w odniesieniu do konieczności kształtowania nowych funkcji instytucji. To znacząco wpłynęło na dynamikę międzyinstytucjonalnych przekształceń. Określając determinanty wpływające na te przekształcenia podkreślić należy funkcjonalność systemu, a także jego ograniczenia. ; The European Council has gradually evolved into a center of political decision making in the EEC/EU and its range of formal and informal powers continues to grow. The following political decisions and legal regulations marked a significant step in this process because it identified and acknowledged the European Council's position and its leading role within the EEC/ EU. This article examines the sources and manifestations of the institutional changes within the European Council in the period 1961–1977. Its purpose is to analyze the factors which influence the creation and development of the European Council in light of political decisions, Treaty's provisions and the practice of its activities. The issue discussed in the article is based on the assumption that the structural order is characterized by a significant asymmetry. The increasing interdependence in the relations between states, together with the need and the necessity of the idea of cooperation, has coincided with the process of change necessitated by the new functions of the European Council. This has significantly affected the pace of inter-institutional transformation. In defining the determinants affecting this transformation, the functionality of the system, as well as the limitations in terms of its ability should be emphasized.