Suchergebnisse

Cet article étudie de quelle façon et à quel moment les journaux, les ONG environnementales, les entreprises privées et le gouvernement convergent autour des événements environnementaux. En utilisant les données sur le déversement de pétrole BP en 2010 tirées des journaux aux États‐Unis, au Canada et en Grande‐Bretagne et des communiqués de presses de Greenpeace, du Club Sierra, de Halliburton, de Transocean, d'Exxon/Mobil et les annonce de presse de la secrétaire de presse pour le Maison Blanche, nous étudions la capacité d'un événement à faire converger des actions sociales et politiques. En concevant les événements comme des actants, nous vérifions les arguments tirés des publications sur les mouvements sociaux et sur la définition de l'agenda politique à propos du timing, de la simplicité et de la visualité afin de comprendre comment les acteurs politiques convergent. Nous observons que l'effet de convergence est lié au timing, mais pas à la simplicité ou à la visualité.This paper examines how and when newspapers, environmental nongovernmental organizations, businesses, and the government converge on environmental events. Using data on the 2010 BP Oil Spill from newspaper articles in the United States, Canada, and the United Kingdom, press releases by Greenpeace and Sierra Club, press releases by BP, Halliburton, Transocean, ExxonMobil, and Shell, and press statements by the White House Press Secretary, we examine an event's potential to trigger convergence of social and political action. By treating events as political actants, we examine arguments from the agenda‐setting and social movement literatures on timing, simplicity, and visuality to understand when political actors converge. We find that convergence is related to temporal cycles but not simplicity or visuality.

Inequality and Neighbourhood Change: Context, Concept, and Process / Larry S. Bourne and J. David Hulchanski -- Plus ça Change: Neighbourhood Inequality in Canadian Cities since 1900 / Richard Harris -- Using Social Dimensions and Neighbourhood Typologiesto Characterize Neighbourhood Change / Ivan Townshend and Robert Murdie -- Inequality and Neighbourhood Change in the Greater Toronto Region / Alan Walks -- Montreal: The Changing Drivers of Inequality between Neighbourhoods / Xavier Leloup and Damaris Rose -- The Social Geography of Uneven Incomes in Metropolitan Vancouver / David Ley and Nicholas Lynch -- Hamilton: Poster Child for Concentrated Poverty / Richard Harris -- Halifax: Scaling Inequality / Jill L. Grant and Howard Ramos -- Neighbourhood Change in Calgary: An Evolving Geography of Income Inequality and Social Difference / Ivan Townshend, Byron Miller, and Derek Cook -- People, Policies, and Place: Winnipeg's Indigenized and Internationalized Inner-City Neighbourhoods / Jino Distasio and Sarah Zell -- Mapping Canada's Fragmented Social Policy Space: Plotting Ways to Reverse Trends in Inequality and Segregation through Coordinated Poverty Reduction / Scott Graham, Stephanie Procyk, and Michelynn Laflèche -- Evaluating Neighbourhood Inequality and Change: Lessons from a National Comparison / Jill L. Grant, Alan Walks, and Howard Ramos.

The severity of abuse may be be less important than a nation's policy relevance to the West, the ability of journalists to investigate freely, and attention from rights activists.

At many Canadian universities it is now common to publicly acknowledge Indigenous lands, treaties, and peoples. Yet, this practice has yet to be considered as a subject of scholarly inquiry. How does this practice vary and why? In this paper we describe the content and practice of acknowledgment, linking this content to treaty relationships (or lack thereof). We show that acknowledgment tends to be one of five general types: of land and title (British Columbia), of specific treaties and political relationships (Prairies), of multiculturalism and heterogeneity (Ontario), of no practice (most of Quebec), and of people, territory, and openness to doing more (Atlantic). Based on these results, we conclude that the fluidity of acknowledgment as a practice, including changing meanings depending on the positionality of the acknowledger, need to be taken into account.Plusieurs universités Canadien pratique une reconnaissance des territoires, des traités, et des peoples autochtone en publique. Cette pratique, cependant, n'a jamais été considérée comme une enquête savante. Dans ce projet nous regardons comment les reconnaissances varie par institution et pourquoi. Nous trouvons qu'il y a un lien entre le contenu des reconnaissances et les relations traité. On démontre cinq forme des reconnaissances: territoire et titre (Colombie britannique); traité spécifique and les relations politiques (Prairies); multiculturalisme et hétérogénéité (Ontario); l'absence (la majorité du Québec); et des peoples, territoire et volonté a plus faire (Atlantique). Nous concluons que la fluidité de la reconnaissance, comme pratique, est fluide et doit prendre en considération la position de la personne qui le fait.

What influences the Northern media's coverage of events and abuses in explicit human rights terms? Do international NGOs have an impact, and, if so, when are they most effective? This article addresses these questions with regression analysis of human rights reporting by The Economist and Newsweek from 1986 to 2000, covering 145 countries. First, it finds that these two media sources cover abuses in human rights terms more frequently when they occur in countries with higher levels of state repression, economic development, population, and Amnesty International attention. There is also some evidence that political openness, number of battle-deaths, and civil societies affect coverage, although these effects were not robust. Second, it finds that Amnesty International's press releases appear to have less impact on media coverage when discussing abuses in countries that are central to the media's zone of concern. Indeed, Amnesty's press advocacy may be more effective when addressing violations in lesser-noticed countries. The article attributes this to the saturation of coverage of abuses in highly mediatized countries. Cumulative attention by multiple journalists and others raises a country's media profile but also makes it more difficult for any one voice to be heard. The authors conclude that Amnesty's press advocacy may have greater media impact when focusing on abuses in countries located away from the media's core areas of concern. Overall, the authors are encouraged by the Northern media's sensitivity to actual patterns of repression and to Amnesty's lobbying, since both indicate that the media is potentially a useful ally in efforts to combat abuses worldwide. Yet, the discouraging effects of poverty on the media's human rights coverage are cause for concern.

AbstractThe United Nations High Commission for Refugees reports that more than half of the 65 million refugees and displaced people identified worldwide are under the age of 18. For this reason, researchers, practitioners and policymakers need to understand the consequences of forced migration on the integration of refugee children and youth in receiving countries. A first step to do that is to scope out the state of current research on these issues and identify possible gaps. To that end, the article offers a scoping review of peer-reviewed English and German academic articles on refugee children and youth's integration over a 20-year period. The review finds: little consensus on the definitions of 'children' or 'youth'; most studies focus on girls and boys that are between 12 and 19 years old; there is a focus on refugees landing in developed countries; and there is a lack of longitudinal and quantitative studies.

Research on American secondary cities has largely focused on so–called "rust belt" cities and has found that they tend to have economic stagnation, racialization, and urban decay in their urban cores occurring after economic crises. Most urban research on Canadian cities has, by contrast, focused on the country's largest cities, Toronto, Montreal, and Vancouver, and has found that urban cores are getting richer, less diverse, and undergoing infrastructural improvements. We examine each model by looking at four secondary Atlantic Canadian cities (Halifax, Moncton, St. John's, and Charlottetown) that all faced major economic crisis in the 1990s to see whether these models can explain the sociospatial changes occurring in them. Analysis of 1996 and 2006 Canadian Census data finds unlike "rust belt" cities or changes seen in larger Canadian cities, there is no clear sociospatial concentration of change. Rather, change is seen through "hot spots" of economic and physical characteristics of neighborhoods.