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L'impact du clivage linguistique sur les partis au pouvoir en Belgique et au CanadaCet article explore les rapports entre les Flamands et les Francophones à l'intérieur du Parti social Chrétien beige et ceux entre les Canadiens français et les Canadiens anglais dans le Parti libéral du Canada. Cette étude s'appuie sur l'analyse de la formation et du développement de ces partis dans ces deux pays, sur une série d'entretiens semi-directifs avec des « backbenchers » et sur une série de questionnaires imprimés adressés aux militants.A première vue, les sociaux Chrétiens semblent être plus affectés par les clivages linguistiques que les libéraux. Le désaccord sur les questions spécifiques y est plus accentué et couvre un plus grand nombre de problèmes linguistiques et régionaux. Ces divergences se reflètent au niveau des structures du parti par une division entre deux ailes relativement autonomes, Au contraire, à Ottawa, il y a une députation francophone qui est relativement modérée sur l'épineuse question linguistique et un contingent anglophone qui est accommodant envers le Canada français. Ce consensus est renforcé par des contacts interpersonnels étroits et par une haute considération mutuelle.L'harmonie relative à l'intérieur du caucus libéral résulte en partie du type de problèmes qui ont été soulevés au niveau de la politique fédérate, mais aussi du système fédéral lui-même qui semble homogénéiser les élites de la scène fédérale et provinciate. Les politiciens fédéralistes après avoir été recrutés et attirés à Ottawa sont par la suite socialisés à la politique libérale fédérale. L'autorité inconstestée du cabinet libéral contribue évidemment à l'unité du caucus. Mais, en même temps, la centralisation du contrôle sur l'élaboration des politiques peut signifier que les attitudes des parlementaires ne sont pas représentatives de l'ensemble du Parti libéral. Certains indices suggérent que les militants du parti sont quelque peu sceptiques à l'égard des initiatives du gouvernement au sujet du bilinguisme en dépit des orientations très claires de la direction actuelle du parti. Le consensus observé dans le caucus d'Ottawa n'est pas révélateur quant aux rapports anglais-françdis aux niveaux inférieurs de la hiérarchie du parti et peut même ne Hen signifier au sujet de ces mêmes rapports dans le public en général.

A comparative study of the degree of 'disagreement' between English- & French-Canadian Liberals in Ottawa & between the Flemings & Francophones in the Social Christian Party of Belgium. Disagreement among the former is less than among the latter, overall. Four reasons are cited: (1) greater human contact exists between MPs in Ottawa; (2) federal politics attracts more candidates who are predisposed to view other ethnic & cultural groups positively; (3) the nature of the linguistic issue that has until now been raised in federal politics; & (4) because the Liberal Party may attract a type of English Canadian who is unusually favorable toward his French counterpart. Belgian legislators have fewer opportunities for developing personal ties with their colleagues from other backgrounds; furthermore, the Social Christians are divided into two relatively autonomous wings, thus precluding the sort of cross-ethnic contact that would be conducive to a reduction of disagreements. 8 Tables, 1 Figure. Modified HA.

In recent years, the Canadian labour movement has undergone fundamental change in response to demands for greater inclusion and representation by women, visible and sexual minorities, and people with disabilities. Equity, Diversity, and Canadian Labour explores the specific challenges put to outmoded attitudes and practices, charting the efforts made by organized labour in Canada towards addressing discrimination in the workplace and within unions themselves. While there has been a fair amount of progress in this regard, persistent impediments to equity and uneven responsiveness within and across diversity issues remain. This collection of original essays brings together contributors from a variety of academic backgrounds - women's studies, political science, sociology, industrial relations - and from the labour movement itself to examine union policies, practices, and cultures with respect to diversity issues. The first comprehensive analysis of Canadian labour's response to challenges on gender, race, disability, and sexual orientation issues since the 1980s, the book aims to highlight the structural and cultural developments that have taken place within the labour movement around equality rights, and to provide a forum for debates about the extent to which union democracy has been reshaped as a result of equity activism.

Examines the impact of acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS) community activism on Canadian AIDS policy, drawing on various print materials, but more substantially on interviews (N not specified) with activists & policymakers (mostly conducted 1990/1991) in Montreal (Quebec), Toronto (Ontario), Vancouver (British Columbia), & Ottawa (Ontario). It is argued that health policy is normally resistant to influence from groups outside of medically expert circles, & that the marginalization of the gay population most affected by AIDS created impediments to shifting public health authorities from their traditional top-down approach to the management of disease. The circumstances of this epidemic, though, & the characteristics of the gay male population most at risk, created unusual openings through which activists could influence public policy at all three levels of government. There are indications that officials are seeking to regain some of the initiative & some of the capacity to define the issues lost 1985-1990, but AIDS activism has dislodged state policy from a number of its traditional moorings. AA

Growth of AIDS groups in Toronto, Vancouver, and Montreal; challenges to health policy.

Includes bibliographical references and index

"Religion is usually thought inconsequential to contemporary Canadian politics. This book takes a hard look at just how much influence faith continues to have in federal, provincial, and territorial arenas. Drawing on case studies from across the country, it explores three important axes of religiously based contention--Protestant vs. Catholic, conservative vs. reformer, and, more recently, minority religious practices. Although the extent of partisan engagement with each of these sources of conflict has varied across time and region, the authors show that religion still matters in shaping political oppositions. These themes are more broadly illuminated by comparisons to the role faith plays in the politics of other western industrialized societies."--