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The focus of the article is on the author's experience as learner and teacher. The task of preparing law students for their professional life is compared to that of teaching undergraduates who, in the uniquely strenuous College of the University of Chicago, are interested in books and ideas and are not immediately job-driven. Whereas in the law school setting the author, like other law professors, worked alone, in the College he worked with a staff of colleagues who shared in the choice of readings and in lectures to the entire student body—altogether, in the author's view, a more demanding task for the teacher. Graduate education in sociology is again different: the student is an apprentice professional, but there is no clear road toward professional practice; the faculty member as mentor on the dissertation helps pilot the apprentice through the cross-currents of conflict in the field and in the particular department. Teaching undergraduates in Harvard College, the author reports, involved tasks different from those faced in the College of the University of Chicago. Rather than working, as at Chicago, with a staff of presumptive equals, at Harvard the author recruited advanced graduate students and junior (and on occasion, senior) faculty whom he treated as colleagues, but whom Harvard undergraduates tended to deprecate as mere "section men," i.e. teaching assistants. The author details efforts to overcome what was 30 years ago the fabled yet quite real pose of "Harvard indifference" a lack of engagement with subject matter and with noncelebrity faculty. The Harvard colleague group worked to get students to do small pieces of fieldwork, not merely as exercises, but out of interest in a topic and an idea. When with the rise of a radical student-faculty "movement" many undergraduates became less "cool," the problems of teaching subtly changed. Always, the author notes, teaching is contextual and often needs to work against the prevailing tide.

Der Aufsatz skizziert Geschichte und Aktualität utopischen Denkens in den USA. Vor dem Hintergrund einer definitorischen Abgrenzung von Utopie und Ideologie wird deren Verwobenheit miteinander in Rückbezug auf die Geschichte der USA dargestellt. Dabei besitzen die Herausbildung, die Durchsetzung und die historischen Veränderungen des amerikanischen Kapitalismus einen herausragenden Stellenwert, indem herausgearbeitet wird, daß und inwiefern die jeweilige Form des Kapitalismus ideologisch abgesichert wurde, indem utopische Elemente im Rahmen z. B. des Populismus strategisch zur Überhöhung unsozialer Zustände oder aber auch zur Absicherung reaktionärer Politiken benutzt wurden. Ingesamt wird der Geschichte und der aktuellen Realität der USA ein Defizit an Utopie zugeschrieben, dem ein Überhang an Apathie und Zynismus korrespondiert. (MB)

An examination of the concept of abundance in US life from the 1950s to the 1980s reveals changes in definitions & beliefs. Early views were that abundance in the US would continue to increase; there was only minor concern for quality over quantity. Current views accept the impossibility of unlimited increased abundance, & consideration is being given to: restructuring work environments to raise productivity, quality control, & worker satisfaction; the problems, both here & in other nations, raised by the heavy promotion of US consumer goods as necessities; Japanese skills in worker-management relations; & the tenacity of US small business. Problems of increased public cynicism resulting from the Reagan administration's inability to create the promised nirvana while decreasing inflation, limitations on nuclear energy without prevention of the possibility of nuclear war, & setting realistic & moderate goals for increased productivity are discussed. D. Abrahams.

Men and women receiving their bachelor's degrees now have for the most part been those who entered college near the end of what has been the greatest boom period in American academic history. With accelerating momentum during the last four years, it can at least be suggested that the academic analogue of the Great Crash of 1929 has occurred. Universities are even more diversified than the securities listed on the stock exchanges; they are not so closely interlinked; hence, what is a depression in some institutions is a mild recession or a plateau in others, and perhaps a pause that refreshes in still others. There are surely some institutions (until recently, the University of Texas was one) so richly supported that they could use the slack market for faculty as a time for academic bargain-hunting.

Studies of national character are affected by in tellectual fashions and work requirements and by lay stereo types and assumptions. Although scientific criticisms have been leveled at the ambiguity of the national character con cept, something would be lost if this area of inquiry were abandoned altogether. Work on American character has re mained fragmentary. Some psychoanalytically oriented stud ies assumed that national character was formed in early child hood, but later studies emphasized the effect of class and ethnic differences on child-rearing. Other studies have focused on adjustments of immigrants and travelers to America and ad justments of Americans abroad. Significant differences be tween America and other societies can be observed in expecta tions placed upon the sexes and in ethnic, religious, and social characteristics. Economic factors, the mass media, and edu cation are important in influencing American national charac ter. Resistance to prevailing national styles exists, but the important thing to note is the extent to which resisters re semble purveyors and adopters of these styles. Behavior, pro claimed values, and the voiceless provide only inferential clues. The Lonely Crowd's hypothesis (1950) was that above-sub sistence Americans' goals were changing from the quest for power to the pursuit of resonance with relevant others. To day, other changes might seem salient. National character affects national conduct and vice-versa. Yet political action by an elite minority may shape development conditions for large populations, and hence national character. Given the variety of character types in our society, their interaction, and the strains and pressures on them, possibilities for future de velopment are wide, though not unlimited, and, with present knowledge, we know little of what these limits are.—Ed.

Studies of nat'l character are affected by intellectual fashions & work requirements & by lay stereotypes & assumptions. Although sci'fic criticisms have been leveled at the ambiguity of the nat'l character concept, something would be lost if this area of inquiry were abandoned altogether. Some psychoanalytically oriented studies assumed that nat'l character was formed in early childhood, but later studies emphasized the effect of class & ethnic diff's on child-rearing. Other studies have focused on adjustments of immigrants & travelers to the US & adjustments of Amer's abroad. Signif diff's between the US &other societies can be observed in expectations placed upon the sexes & in ethnic, religious, & soc characteristics. Econ factors, the MM, & educ are important in influencing US nat'l character. Resistance to prevailing nat'l styles exists, but the important thing to note is the extent to which resisters resemble purveyors & adopters of these styles. Behavior, proclaimed values, & the voiceless provide only inferential clues. THE LONELY CROWD's hypothesis (see SA A0858) was that above-subsistence Amer's' goals were changing from the quest for power to the pursuit of resonance with relevant others. Today, other changes might seem salient. Nat'l character affects nat'l conduct & vice versa. Yet pol'al action by an elite minority may shape development conditions for large pop's, & hence nat'l character. Given the variety of character types in our society, their interaction, & the strains and pressures on them, possibilities for future development are wide, though not unlimited, &, with present knowledge, we know little of what these limits are. HA.