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AbstractThe Mongol imperial enterprise produced memories and spurred migration on a continental scale among the conquerors, the vanquished, and agents of empire. During the 14th and early 15th centuries, the Ming court of China tried to shape the memory of the Mongol empire to enhance Ming political legitimacy, dampen hopes of a Mongolian revival, and facilitate the transfer of allegiance from the Mongol empire to Ming dynasty. The Ming court also integrated former Yuan personnel, including not just Chinese subjects but hundreds of thousands of Mongols and Jurchens, into the Ming polity. In examining these processes, the essay contributes to the wider discussion of how successor polities throughout Eurasia sought to turn the legacy of the Mongol empire to their own advantage, which had the unintended consequence of keeping memory of the Chinggisid age vital long after the empire's fall.

This paper examines the possibility of constructing a Gramscian analysis of modern Mozambican history, with particular emphasis on the concept of 'Passive Revolution'. It will be argued that, while the FRELIMO party that took over in Mozambique following independence in 1974 self - identified as a revolutionary socialist party that was building towards communism, the reality of changes in Mozambique's productive capacity and relations of production in the post-colonial era more objectively match the Gramscian concept of 'Passive Revolution' – a transition from one form of capitalism to another. For Gramsci a passive revolution is a state-driven process that alters the social formation in order to deal with the material and ideological pressures exerted by the global system, or the formation's constituent social classes. State - led attempts at developmental catch - up following independence were thus an internal aspect of global capitalism, rather than an attempted alternative to it. Mozambique's period of transition and conflict from 1960 to 1995 will be considered, encompassing the anti-colonial struggle against Portuguese rule, independence under FRELIMO's socialist government, civil conflict against the Apartheid-backed RENAMO rebel group, and the post-Cold War transition to liberal democracy

The perception that new immigrants and migrants are unfairly advantaged in the allocation of social housing is one of the most frequently cited injustices of new immigration in Britain. Tapping into dominant notions of the immigrant as folk devil and a long tradition of scapegoating blameworthy groups for problems accessing social housing, this debate has all the hallmarks of a moral panic, with exaggeration and distortion raising public concern to a level disproportionate to any apparent or rational threat. This point is reinforced by a review of the experiences of new immigrants and migrants within the social housing allocation process.