A Panacea for all Times? The German Stability Culture as Strategic Political Resource
In: West European politics, Band 36, Heft 4, S. 750-770
ISSN: 1743-9655
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In: West European politics, Band 36, Heft 4, S. 750-770
ISSN: 1743-9655
In: http://orbilu.uni.lu/handle/10993/4554
The German Stability Culture is frequently pointed to in the literature as the source of the country's low inflationary policies and, at the European Union (EU) level, the design of Economic and Monetary Union (EMU). In Germany, the term was regularly wielded by central bankers and Christian Democrat (CDU-CSU) politicians to legitimise the move to EMU in the face of a large majority of public opinion opposed, and subsequent EU-level policy developments, particularly in the context of the eurozone debt crisis that erupted in 2009. An ordered probit analysis is used to demonstrate the depth of the German Stability Culture, showing that support for low inflation cuts across all party and ideological lines. Despite this ubiquity, the term has been wielded with regularity only by the centre-right Christian Democrats and is strongly associated with this party. A strategic constructivist analysis is employed to explain this uneven but persistent usage in German domestic politics.
BASE
In: Party politics: an international journal for the study of political parties and political organizations, Band 21, Heft 1, S. 40-53
ISSN: 1460-3683
European radical left parties (RLPs) are gradually receiving greater attention. Yet, to date, what has received insufficient focus is why such parties have maintained residues of electoral support after the collapse of the USSR and why this support varies so widely. This article is the first to subject RLPs to large-n quantitative analysis, focusing on 39 parties in 34 European countries from 1990 to 2008. It uses the 'supply and demand' conceptual framework developed for radical right parties to identify a number of socio-economic, political-cultural and party-system variables in the external environment that might potentially affect RLP support. The article finds the most persuasive variables to include political culture (past party success), the level of unemployment, Euroscepticism and anti-globalization sentiment, the electoral threshold and competition from Green and radical right parties. The findings suggest several avenues for future research and provide a framework that can be adapted to explain the electoral success of other party families.
In: Comparative European politics, Band 13, Heft 4, S. 450-470
ISSN: 1740-388X
In: West European politics
ISSN: 0140-2382
World Affairs Online
In: Journal of common market studies: JCMS, Band 62, Heft 5, S. 1296-1313
ISSN: 1468-5965
AbstractHow was the European Union's privacy regime built? Drawing on regime theory and carrying out qualitative document analysis, we present the evolution of the privacy regime across the three decades from the 1995 European Data Protection Directive to the 2016 General Data Protection Regulation, the 2022 Data Governance Act and finally the 2022 Digital Markets package. Our analysis focuses on the European Commission and suggests that the privacy regime emerged out of the seemingly conflicting interplay between the (digital) single market whose power draws on the network effects of expanding data resources and concerns for personal privacy that seek limiting data gathering itself. Contrary to expectations, potential tensions between competition law and consumer protection have not hindered or decelerated the formation of the regulatory regime. In fact, these tensions have proven to be surprisingly productive.
In: Economy and society, Band 52, Heft 3, S. 554-578
ISSN: 1469-5766
In: New political economy, Band 25, Heft 6, S. 1022-1040
ISSN: 1469-9923
In: Socio-economic review, Band 21, Heft 2, S. 1151-1170
ISSN: 1475-147X
Abstract
Whilst both the level and the make-up of public debt are high salience issues, the management of public debt seldom commands public attention. This study examines the quiet politics of public debt management in advanced capitalist societies, comparing debt management reforms and the everyday practice of debt management in Germany and the UK. We present evidence of two factors contributing to the political quietude around public debt management: a persistent absence of partisan contestation and conflict; and the dominance of 'market discipline' as an interpretative frame, which prevents changes in interest rates and debt servicing costs to be seen as the product of faulty debt management. We also find that this quietude creates a space for the coordination and cooperation between contemporary capitalist states and large dealer banks, whose capacities effectively to act within their respective domains depend on each other.
In: New political economy, Band 27, Heft 5, S. 788-805
ISSN: 1469-9923
In: Review of international political economy, Band 28, Heft 5, S. 1385-1409
ISSN: 1466-4526