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Neoliberalism changed the face of Latin America and left average citizens struggling to cope in many ways. Popular sectors were especially hard hit as wages declined and unemployment increased. The backlash to neoliberalism in the form of popular protest and electoral mobilization opened space for leftist governments to emerge. The turn to left governments raised popular expectations for a second wave of incorporation. Although a growing literature has analyzed many aspects of left governments, there is no study of how the redefinition of the organized popular sectors, their allies, and their struggles have reshaped the political arena to include their interests--until now. This volume examines the role played in the second wave of incorporation by political parties, trade unions, and social movements in five cases: Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Ecuador, and Venezuela. The cases shed new light on a subject critical to understanding the change in the distribution of political power related to popular sectors and their interests--a key issue in the study of postneoliberalism.

The assembly movement of Buenos Aires was one of the main political actors that emerged with the social explosion of December 2001. It initially called for a complete renewal of the country's elites, but it gradually divided into a sector that focused on neighborhood demands and a sector that adopted a national perspective. A detailed examination of a decade of development of two assemblies that are paradigmatic examples of the movement's division show that they retained their political identities over time, with the result that the "neighborhood" assembly disbanded once the problems on which it had concentrated were considered resolved while the "popular" assembly continued to engage in cultural and political projects. El movimiento asambleario de Buenos Aires fue uno de los más importantes actores políticos que emergió con la explosión social de diciembre de 2001. Inicialmente reclamaba la completa renovación de las elites, pero gradualmente fue dividiéndose en un sector que se enfocó en demandas barriales y otro sector que adoptó una perspectiva nacional. Un examen detallado de una década de desarrollo de dos asambleas que son consideradas ejemplos paradigmáticos de la división del movimiento muestra que ambas asambleas conservaron a través del tiempo sus identidades, con el resultado de que la asamblea "vecinal" se disolvió una vez que consideraron resueltos los problemas en los que se enfocaba, mientras que la asamblea "popular" continuó activamente involucrada en proyectos políticos y culturales.

This book presents an overview of new approaches to the study of social movements emerging out of Latin America, based on original and innovative analyses of the recent changes in collective action across the region. Over the past decade, new repertoires of contention have emerged in parallel to changes in the configuration of actors, in previously established patterns of relationship between social movements and political institutions, and in the shapes of collaborative networks, both domestic and transnational. The authors analyze a broad set of countries and social movements, while focusing on three key theoretical debates: the interactions between routine and contentious politics, the relationship between protest and context, and the organizational configurations of social movements. The research agenda put forward by this book is neither defined nor restricted by geographical boundaries, even though the chapters are based on field research undertaken in Latin America. In doing so, this volume contributes to a still underdeveloped dialogue in theory-building in social movement studies, among scholars from the South and from the North, as well as among scholars specialized in different regions.

This introduction presents an overview of the key concepts discussed in the subsequent chapters of this book. The book stretches the current horizons in social movement studies even further, by proposing new concepts and questions. It contributes to current efforts to further expand the theoretical frontiers of social movement studies. With the concern for expanding and diversifying the conversation among scholars of social movements everywhere, the book speaks to crucial contemporary debates in the general literature. The book focuses on the interactions between routine and contentious politics, or what are sometimes called "conventional" and "unconventional" forms of political participation. It focuses on changes in organizational ecologies and networks of social movements within and across national boundaries. The book expresses an underlying common interest of the authors in developing a dynamic-relational approach to the study of social movements. It enriches the field with innovative ideas that travel well to other regions and cultures.

This book presents an overview of new approaches to the study of social movements emerging out of Latin America, based on original and innovative analyses of the recent changes in collective action across the region. Over the past decade, new repertoires of contention have emerged in parallel to changes in the configuration of actors, in previously established patterns of relationship between social movements and political institutions, and in the shapes of collaborative networks, both domestic and transnational. The authors analyze a broad set of countries and social movements, while focusing on three key theoretical debates: the interactions between routine and contentious politics, the relationship between protest and context, and the organizational configurations of social movements. The research agenda put forward by this book is neither defined nor restricted by geographical boundaries, even though the chapters are based on field research undertaken in Latin America. In doing so, this volume contributes to a still underdeveloped dialogue in theory-building in social movement studies, among scholars from the South and from the North, as well as among scholars specialized in different regions.

Focusing on LGBTIQ demonstrations in Argentina and Chile, we study protesters' attachment to institutional politics, defined as their emotional and attitudinal connection with the political system. We show that Argentine LGBTIQ demonstrators are on average more attached to institutional politics than Chilean ones. This can be explained neither by differences between Argentines and Chileans in general, nor by demonstrators' individual characteristics. Instead, expanding the political process model, we argue that achieving a substantial part of the LGBTIQ agenda in Argentina, and limited success in Chile, contributed to build a stronger attachment to the political system among Argentine LGBTIQ demonstrators than their Chilean counterparts.

Pérez, G. J., Armelino, M., Rossi, F. M. (2003). ¿Autogobierno o representación?: la experiencia de las asambleas en la Argentina. Revista de Ciencias Sociales 14, 175-205. Bernal, Argentina : Universidad Nacional del Quilmes. ; Este trabajo se propone indagar sobre las posibles reconfiguraciones en las relaciones entre participación, deliberación, representación y decisión que sustentan un tipo de práctica política, y que tuvieron lugar en Buenos Aires y otras ciudades de la República Argentina luego de los acontecimientos del 19 y 20 de diciembre de 2001. Ello se realiza sobre la evolución de un actor surgido de dicha crisis: las asambleas. La complejidad del proceso impide presuponer ciertos rasgos comunes a todas las asambleas surgidas. Por ello, este trabajo describe ciertos rasgos típicos de modelos de asambleas, tomando dos tipos de asambleas surgidas en Buenos Aires de esa crisis: las autodenominadas populares (Asamblea Popular Cid Campeador), por un lado, y vecinales (Asamblea Vecinal de Palermo Viejo) por el otro. A partir de una extensa indagación empírica se establecen una serie de variables para la descripción, contrastación y comparación de los rasgos típicos de estas dos asambleas: la relación con el territorio, los tipos de demandas, los criterios de autorización de la palabra en el proceso deliberativo, la definición del adversario con relación al cual se define el propio colectivo y los modelos organizativos que cada asamblea establece para la toma de decisiones. Luego se analiza el tipo de relación que cada asamblea estableció ante las cuatro características propuestas para definir una práctica política: participación, deliberación, representación y decisión. El tipo de relación específica que cada una de estas asambleas estudiadas ha establecido con los cuatro aspectos de la práctica política ha definido también la identidad de cada colectivo político y el modo en que cada uno ha articulado sus relaciones con el sistema político formal. ; This work sets out to investigate on the posible reconfigurations in the relationship between participation, deliberation, representation and decision that sustain a type of political action, and which took place in Buenos Aires and others cities of the Argentine Republic after the events of December 19 and 20th of 2001. It is made on the evolution of an actor arisen from this crisis: the assemblies. The complexity of the process prevents to estímate certain common characteristics to all the arisen assemblies. For that reason, this work describes to certain typical characteristics of models of assemblies taking two types from assemblies arisen in Buenos Aires of that crisis: self-appointed popular, on the one hand, and the local ones (Popular Assembly Cid Campeador), in one way, and (Local Assembly of Palermo Viejo) by the other. From an extensive empirical investigation a series of variables for the description settles down, contrast and comparison of the typical characteristics of these two assemblies: the relationship with the territory, the types of demands, the criteria of authorization of the word in the deliberative process, the definition of the adversary with relation to which one defines the own group and the organizational models that each assembly establishes for the decision making. Soon the type of relationship that each assembly established with the four characteristics proposes to define a political action: participation, deliberation, representation and decision. The type of specific relationship that each one of these studied assemblies has established with the four aspects of the political action has also defined the identity of each political group and the way in which each one has articulated its relationships with the formal political system.

ABSTRACTThis article uses a process‐tracing approach to understand changes in Singapore's health sector from the start of self‐rule in 1959 to the end of the COVID‐19 pandemic in 2022. Singapore is a developmental state recognized for its effective management of healthcare costs and its lack of political freedom. In both respects, the 'Singapore model' is of interest to other cities and nations. The standard narrative is one of technocratic proficiency in a context in which civic freedoms are heavily constrained, but this article identifies the surprisingly important role of social voices at key moments. It finds episodes in which effective changes to social policies are not the product of a state embedded in an organized society, but rather are influenced by the independent organizational capacity of certain social groups providing inputs to state elites on social grievances and policy needs. Effective policy changes require a responsive state elite that — even if it is technocratically dominated, as is the case in Singapore — can listen to social claims and provide answers that are not repressive. The article conceptualizes these dynamics as 'grievance politics' and shows their role in explaining health reforms. It contributes to understanding global health systems and policy making in developmental states by a fruitful cross‐fertilization with social movement studies.

Social movement studies clearly suggest that trust matters for processes of social mobilization: When engaging in costly, and potentially risky, contentious collective action on a common goal, activists and groups rely on the expectation that fellow protestors and allies will not fail them. To date, however, we lack research that explains which types of trust shape the emergence and evolution of social movements. Trust, we argue, is not simply an independent variable influencing mobilization, but is itself shaped—built, stabilized, weakened, or even destroyed—over the course of collective contentious action. To set the stage for a corresponding research agenda, this introduction to the special issue "Trust and Social Movements" bridges the gap between research on trust and social movement studies and clarifies the complex conceptual relationship between various types of trust and the dynamics of social mobilization. Furthermore, we identify overarching research questions, summarize the contributions to the special issue, and discuss key findings.