Suchergebnisse

Among the many crises tormenting the Old Continent, the course and consequences of the migration crisis that began in 2015 are particularly noteworthy. There following issues should be highlighted: – the migration crisis manifests the internal weakness of the EU, since it has not been predicted, effectively neutralized nor managed properly; – the migration crisis has produced a division inside the EU; – the migration crisis has led to internal political and social crises in many EU countries; – the migration crisis has produced far-reaching outcomes (such as increased populism and xenophobia, division of Europe into the East and the West). ; Wśród wielu kryzysów trapiących Unię Europejską na szczególną uwagę zasługuje przebieg i konsekwencje kryzysu migracyjnego zapoczątkowanego w 2015 roku. Zwrócić należy uwagę na takie kwestie jak: – kryzys migracyjny jest wyrazem wewnętrznej słabości UE, gdyż go nie przewidziano, skutecznie zneutralizowano i odpowiednio zarządzono; – kryzys migracyjny skutkuje podziałem wewnątrz UE; – doprowadził do wewnętrznych kryzysów polityczno-społecznych w wielu państwach UE; – zaowocował dalekosiężnymi skutkami (m.in. wzrost populizmu i ksenofobii, podziały na linii Wschód–Zachód Europy).

"Die europäische Migrationskrise hat nicht nur den Schengenraum infrage gestellt, sondern auch die Europäische Union tief gespalten. Polen und andere Länder Mitteleuropas, die keine Flüchtlinge aufnehmen wollen, werden scharf kritisiert. Der Autor untersucht das Verhalten von Bevölkerung und Politik in Polen gegenüber den Flüchtlingen und die Ursachen dafür." (Autorenreferat)

Changes in the political power and the population in the southern part of East Prussia, whichwent to Poland in 1945, led to the removal of traces of the German past in the region, and toits Polonisation immediately after the war. After discussing the de-Germanisation policy, typicalof the postwar period, the removal of symbols of 'German power', the elimination of the'German spirit', and trends in the adaptation of the new population to the cultural landscape,the author raises the question how relations between the population of the territory and theGerman heritage and past changed after 1989. The issue is considered in the context of thediscussion among intellectuals in Poland as to what the relationship with the German heritageshould be. The answer is based on the results of a sociological poll carried out by the Institutefor Western Affairs in 2001.Key words: East Prussia, Warmia and Masuria, cultural heritage, relations with the 'German'heritage. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.15181/ahuk.v30i0.1184

Obwód Kaliningradzki Federacji Rosyjskiej (FR) odgrywa istotną rolę dla bezpieczeństwa Polski, Litwy oraz państw regionu Morza Bałtyckiego. Ten najbardziej na zachód wysunięty obszar Rosji otoczony jest państwami UE i NATO i nie posiada bezpośredniej styczności z FR. Na obszarze obwodu zgromadzone są pokaźne siły zbrojne, w tym wyrzutnie rakiet średniego i dalekiego zasięgu, które mogą być uzbrojone w głowice atomowe. Władze w Moskwie traktują potencjał wojskowy zgromadzony w obwodzie jako element nacisku na opinię publiczną, tak by zniechęcić władze RP do budowy na terytorium Polski amerykańskiej tarczy antyrakietowej. ; The Kaliningrad Oblast of the Russian Federation (RF) is significant for the security of Poland, Lithuania and the Baltic countries. This westernmost region of Russia is surrounded by EU and NATO states and does not have a direct contact with the RF. Considerable military potential is concentrated in this region, including medium and long range missile launchers that may be armed with nuclear warheads. The government in Moscow treats the military potential of this region as an element of pressure to influence public opinion and discourage the Polish authorities from building the US anti-missile system in Poland.

The article reveals the assumptions under which Polish claims to Warmia and Masuria Regions werelegitimated in the 20th c. and the impact made on the starting points of the policies applied after WWII tothe integration of Warmia and Masuria into Poland by the ideological political situation and the ratio ofpowers formed in the years of the war. The author pays great attention to the disclosure of the policy of"de-Germanization" and its practices by demonstrating the ways of instrumentalization of anti-Germanattitudes by the postwar Polish authorities, thus promoting the symbolical integration of former Germanterritories (the Recovered Lands) into the minds of Polish settlers in them.KEY WORDS: East Prussia, Warmia and Masuria, cultural heritage of East Prussia, de-Germanizationpolicy, symbolical appropriation. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.15181/ahuk.v24i0.292

After the collapse of the USSR, the Kaliningrad Oblast, which currently constitutes a part of the Russian Federation, has become an exclave neighboring Poland and Lithuania. After these two countries joined the European Union in 2004 the Kaliningrad Oblast has become an 'isle in the EU'. One of the outcomes of this situation involves regular statements issued by politicians from Moscow and Kaliningrad reassuring that on account of its geostrategy the region is a permanent part of Russia. A special name has even been coined to address this matter – the Kaliningrad issue. There are two main geopolitical concepts: the region is Russia's westernmost military outpost; and a pilot region for collaboration with the European Union. Although, different concepts have emerged concerning the increased independence and autonomy of this region, its inclusion in Russia is beyond doubt. ; After the collapse of the USSR, the Kaliningrad Oblast, which currently constitutes a part of the Russian Federation, has become an exclave neighboring Poland and Lithuania. After these two countries joined the EU in 2004, the Kaliningrad Oblast has become an "isle in the EU". One of the outcomers of this situation involves regular statements of politicians from Moscow and Kaliningrad reassuring that on account of its geostrategy Kaliningrad is a permanent part of Russia. A special name has even been cointed to address this matter: the Kaliningrad issue. There are two main geopolitical concepts: the region is Russia's westernmost military outpost, and a pilot region for collaboration with the EU. Although different concepts have emerged concerning the increased independence and authonomy of this region, its inclusion in Russia is beyong doubt.

Bedarf es eines neuen Gedenktages der Vertriebenen in Deutschland? Die deutsche Regierung meint Ja. Auf ihre Initiative hin wurde die Entschließung "60 Jahre Charta der deutschen Heimatvertriebenen – Aussöhnung vollenden" im Februar 2011 angenommen. Dieser Gedenktag soll der 5. August sein, also jener Tag, an dem 1950 die "Charta der deutschen Heimatvertriebenen" in Stuttgart angenommen wurde. Der Entschluss traf im Bundestag auf den Widerstand der Opposition – aber auch auf scharfe Kritik in Polen.