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AbstractThis article deals with the relationship between conflict and education. The author examines that linkage in both causal directions. A particular paradigm dominant in educational and policy systems, Realpolitik, tends to be reinforced by conflict; an alternative paradigm, Idealpolitik, tends to facilitate and strengthen development of a peace and conflict studies culture.

Examines the roots of "virulent ethnocentrism" as seen in the post-Cold War period, particularly in the Balkans, & contemplates the prospects for ameliorating it to facilitate peace building. Attention is given to internal, individual, biological factors at play in this kind of ethnocentrism & how this dimension of conflict can be approached by those wishing to intervene. How identity, particularly ethnic identity, can lie at the core of intractable conflict is then addressed, arguing that peace builders must confront the historical traumas compelling the contending parties in a manner that allows them to let go of the past on which their identities & thus their virulent ethnocentrism is based. The relevance of Thomas Kuhn's philosophy of science to identity conflicts & conflict resolution is then articulated in terms of epistemology & ontology & his notion of paradigms. It is argued next that the objective in transformational conflict resolution & peace building should be to determine how to get to the "edge of chaos" in relationships at all levels & be able to remain there. Complexity theory is seen to offer some insight, highlighting the relationship between realpolitik & idealpolitik. These ideas are then applied to the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh, asserting that to resolve this conflict, the still existing, historical conflict between Armenia & Turkey must be effectively addressed. How this might come about is demonstrated in closing. 64 References. J. Zendejas

Explores John Burton's (1997) idea of comprehensive frameworks as a means of working out international conflict, & assesses his basic human need theories in terms of conflict resolution. Sandole concludes that Burton's sketches conflict resolution as political philosophy & political system together. He closes by stating that achieving international harmony requires that the complexity of conflicts be captured. 1 Figure, 45 References. J. Backman

This article provides an overview of the author's efforts, together with those of colleagues, to help institutionalize the teaching and practice of conflict resolution in the newly independent states of the former Soviet Union and Eastern and Central Europe. These include his institute's university-based programs in Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Turkey funded primarily by the U.S. Institute of Peace, and his work, in conjunction with Partners for Democratic Change, in the Czech Republic, Lithuania, Poland, and the Slovak Republic. The article concludes by locating these activities within the context of the author's model for a new European peace and security system.

Draws on personal experience to present an overview of efforts to help institutionalize the teaching & practice of conflict resolution in the newly independent states of the former USSR & Eastern & Central Europe. Such efforts include George Mason U's (Fairfax, VA) Instit of Conflict Analysis & Resolution's programs in Armenia, Azerbaijan, & Turkey (funded primarily by the US Instit of Peace), & the author's work, in conjunction with Partners for Democratic Change, in the Czech Republic, Lithuania, Poland, & the Slovak Republic. These activities are located in the context of a model for a new European peace & security system. Adapted from the source document.

This article reports on a survey of the views of Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe elites on peace and security in post-Cold War Europe. The findings suggest that there appear to be three distinct meta-cultures developing in the new Europe: one comprises the former Yugoslavian republics (FYug), together with the former non-Soviet members of the Warsaw Pact (NSWP) and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO); another comprises the neutral and nonaligned (NNA); and the third comprises the former Soviet Union (FSU). The FYug-NSWP-NATO cluster appears to be more flexible—further away from Cold War Realpolitik and closer to an Idealpolitik framework—than are the NNA and FSU. This flexibility has also been suggested by the FYug-NSWP-NATO cluster's appearing to be more in favor of change in existing international mechanisms than are the NNA and FSU. The article concludes with recommendations about how Track 1 governments and international governmental organizations and Track 2 nongovernmental organizations can better integrate their peacekeeping and conflict resolution resources, especially in dealing with current and future Yugoslavias.