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Abstract

The article looks at the effects of economic reforms and the structural adjustment programme introduced in 1991. It shows how the largest private media had been key participants in the private sector's campaign for neoliberalism in the late 1980s, negative implications of the economic reforms for the existing media and its capacity to reflect a variety of social perspectives. The difficulties faced by the private press because of shortage of capital are explained, also how political horizons in the press have been narrowed by economic reforms, the privatizing passion of the ruling ZANU (PF)'s neo-liberal state and how the centre of democratization struggle has shifted closer to the grassroots of civic activism in the 1990s. (DÜI-Sen)

The fourth set of national elections will be held in Zimbabwe since independence in 1980. The author discusses how the ZANU (PF) government's vastly unpopular neoliberal policies have eroded ZANU's social and political authority, weaknesses of the opposition parties, the role of the civil society, mushrooming of a range of community and interest groups in the wake of increasing economic adversity among other issues. (DÜI-Sen)

The article examines South African control of media in Zimbabwe up until independence in April 1980, establishment of the Zimbabwe Mass Media Trust (MMT) by the state in 1981, how the MMT media became government instruments by the end of the 1980s, the role of the private press. The consolidation of a coherent, progressive consciousness in the country and the key part played by some media in this process and ZANU's attempts to introduce minor reforms in MMT. (DÜI-Sen)

The rich -- Portraits for everyone -- Fame -- Propaganda -- Self and audience -- Rituals, power, and memory -- The gallery

Previous research shows that leader turnover and change in a leader's winning coalition are associated with rivalry termination. However, this research often conflates change in leadership or winning coalition with more fundamental reform of the institutions governing the state. This article argues that only changes in a rival's governing institutions should lead to rivalry termination. Changes in leader preferences may lead to conciliatory policies, but provide no certainty regarding the sincerity or longevity of these policies. Fundamental changes to the institutions of a state alter the menu of policy options available to the leadership and are difficult to undo. Institutional reform in Rival A makes the leadership of Rival B more willing to undertake potentially risky cooperative action, leading to rivalry termination. I test this argument in a dataset of rivalry terminations spanning 1919–2010, finding that institutional reform in one rival leads to an increase in the likelihood of rivalry termination regardless of the issues of contention. Irregular leader turnover and change in a state's winning coalition have no effect. Further, in a break with previous research, I find that any institutional reform—toward autocracy, toward democracy or laterally—is associated with an increased likelihood of rivalry termination.

Die Einstellung des amerikanischen Präsidenten Eisenhowers zu Fragen des Gebrauchs militärischer Macht als Mittel der Außenpolitik, seine Vorstellungsbilder hinsichtlich der Einschätzung internationaler Beziehungen sowie außenpolitische Entscheidungsprozesse innerhalb seiner Administration werden analysiert. (SWP-Rbg)