Suchergebnisse

In the lead-up to the 2013 parliamentary election, four Italian parties used primaries to select candidates. Primaries, which were autonomously decided upon by the parties' central offices, have operated according to different rules. These quasi-experimental circumstances allow an assessment of the effects of rules and selectors' predispositions in the promotion of legislator renewal. An examination of three aspects of renewal-gender balance, rejuvenation and turnover-found that party leaderships sometimes deliberately pursued renewal through biased rules. The cases in point are Partito Democratico and Sinistra Ecologia e Libertà regarding gender balance, and Movimento 5 Stelle (M5S) regarding turnover. Moreover, even when unconstrained by the rules, selectors have pushed for renewal, as shown by the rise in female representation in the M5S. In general, primary elections have demonstrated to be renewalfriendly. However, it remains unclear whether this is an idiosyncratic effect connected to a single election, or a general tendency due to the characteristics of primary voters.

We consider the effect of primary elections on party membership and electoral behaviour. Direct democracy instruments trigger significant changes in the role and behaviour of grassroots members. The case of the Italian centre-left parties, and particularly the Democratic Party, is in this sense relevant, as for over a decade these parties have been reaching out to supporters in order to include them into decision-making processes, such as the selection of party leaders and candidates to legislative and executive offices. The distinction between members and supporters has blurred. The article focuses on voting behaviour and party attachment of three different groups of primary voters – namely, party members, supporters, and external voters. What is the difference between these three groups with regard to voting behaviour and motivations in primary elections? And what is the difference with regard to voting intentions in general elections? We examine these issues using original survey data collected in 2012 during the centre-left coalition's primary elections. We highlight the consequences of the differences between members and supporters with regard to their voting behaviour and motivations.

1. Introduction -- 2. Linking regional responses to citizens' perceptions: a framework -- 3. The Covid-19 crisis: global challenges and regional answers? -- 4. Communicating the crisis: between regional and national logics -- 5. Citizens' perceptions: the impact of Covid-19 on public opinion -- 6. Conclusions.

1. Introduction : primary elections across the world / Giulia Sandri and Antonella Seddone -- 2. Leadership selection versus candidate selection : similarities and differences / Ofer Kenig, Gideon Rahat and Reuven Y. Hazan -- 3. The American experience of primary elections in comparative perspective / Alan Ware -- 4. Democratising party leadership selection in Spain and Portugal / Oscar Barbera, Marco Lisi and Juan Rodriguez Teruel -- 5. Democratising party leadership selection in Belgium and Israel / Bram Wauters, Gideon Rahat and Ofer Kenig -- 6. Democratising party leadership selection in Japan and Taiwan / Yohei Narita, Ryo Nakai and Keiichi Kubo -- 7. Democratising candidate selection in Italy and France / Marino De Luca and Fulvio Venturino -- 8. Democratising candidate selection in Romania and Slovakia / Sergiu Gherghina and Peter Spac -- 9. Democratising candidate selection in Iceland / Indridi H. Indriason and Gunnar Helgi Kristinsson -- 10. Conclusion / Giulia Sandri, Antonella Seddone and Fulvio Venturino.

"Primary elections for choosing party leaders and candidates are now becoming commonplace in Europe, Asia and America but questions as to how much they hinder a party's organizational strength and cohesion or affect electoral performance have largely been ignored outside of the USA. 'Party Primaries in Comparative Perspective' gives a much-needed conceptualization to this topic, describing the function and nature of primary elections and providing a comparative analytical framework to the impact of primaries on the internal and external functioning of political parties. Elaborating on the analytical tools developed to study the US experience this framework engages with primary elections in Europe and Asia offering a theoretical, comparative and empirical account of the emergence of party primaries and an invaluable guide to internal electoral processes and their impact."--

AbstractThe year 2023 was a year of consolidation for the government of Giorgia Meloni (Fratelli d'Italia). After the turbulent 2022, the 2023 electoral landscape in Italy saw minimal changes at the national level. However, while there were no national elections, regional elections were held in five regions, bearing witness to shifts and stances within both the majority and the opposition. At the national party level, leadership changes occurred both in the center‐left and in the center‐right. On the one hand, following primary elections, Elly Schlein became the first woman to lead the Partito Democratico. On the other, Forza Italia faced uncertainty following the passing of Silvio Berlusconi, with Antonio Tajani appointed interim leader. Other than that, the political landscape in Italy remained relatively stable in 2023, with Giorgia Meloni seeking to consolidate her leadership within the coalition and her credibility as head of government, while the opposition strove to reorganize.

AbstractThe year 2022 was (again) a year of intense political change in Italy. The President of the Republic was (re)elected in January, Prime Minister Mario Draghi resigned in July, and new elections were held in September, amidst energy and economic crises, growing inflation and the Russian invasion of Ukraine. The electoral victory of the centre‐right coalition, and in particular the success of Brothers of Italy, not only marked the rise to power of a prominent European far‐right party but also led to the nomination of the first female Prime Minister of the Italian Republic. The fall of Draghi's government and the formation of the first Meloni Cabinet raised questions about Italy's relationship with EU institutions, NATO and the transatlantic partnership.