Search results

Examines whether the increased presence ("descriptive representation") of African-American lawmakers in the MI state legislature has actually made a difference in the operation of this body & in the policies that it has enacted into law, particularly those relevant to black issues. The ability of the Mississippi Black Caucus to "substantively" represent the black community is evaluated, drawing on official government statistics & newspaper accounts to analyze the roll-call voting of black & white Republicans & Democrats, 1980-2000. The proportion of black legislators chairing legislative committees or serving on important policy-relevant committees is also examined, along with their ability to form coalitions with white lawmakers. References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Examines whether the increased presence ("descriptive representation") of African-American lawmakers in the MI state legislature has actually made a difference in the operation of this body & in the policies that it has enacted into law, particularly those relevant to black issues. The ability of the Mississippi Black Caucus to "substantively" represent the black community is evaluated, drawing on official government statistics & newspaper accounts to analyze the roll-call voting of black & white Republicans & Democrats, 1980-2000. The proportion of black legislators chairing legislative committees or serving on important policy-relevant committees is also examined, along with their ability to form coalitions with white lawmakers. References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Mississippi entered the 21st century as a competitive two-party state far removed from its post-Reconstruction history of one-party Democratic domination. Yet Republican gains which had led to this emerging parity between the parties were not uniform across elective offices, as they had come first in federal elections and only later trickled down to state offices (Aistrup 1996). Mississippi voted Republican for president for the first time since Reconstruction in 1964 and 1972 (by landslide margins), narrowly backed Democrat and born-again southern Baptist Jimmy Carter in 1976, and henceforth has cast every one of its electoral votes for Republican presidential candidates. Enduring U.S. House gains began occurring in the Nixon landslide reelection year of 1972 with victories by Republicans Thad Cochran and Trent Lott. Cochran and Lott then replaced retiring conservative Democratic U.S. senators James Eastland in 1978 and John Stennis in 1988. Democrats remained competitive in U.S. house races at the century's end, however, retaining two moderate conservative whites (Ronnie Shows and Gene Taylor) and one liberal African American (Bennie Thompson, representing the black majority "Delta" district) as congressmen. With the retirements of boll weevil Democrats Jamie Whitten in 1994 and Sonny Montgomery in 1996, conservative Republicans Roger Wicker and Chip Pickering took their places to maintain two House seats for the GOP.

Republican grassroots party activists in Mississippi constitute an essentially conservative, higher income, middle aged, and white male organization, which has become even more so since 1991. Democrats are a truly biracial party with equal numbers of men and women and a more middle class background, but it has become more liberal since 1991 due to the influx of more African-Americans into the organization. Compared to Republicans, Democrats have a more professional orientation geared towards winning elections rather than fighting for ideological purity, and have become increasingly active over the last decade to meet the growing GOP electoral challenge.

Republican grassroots party activists in MS constitute an essentially conservative, higher income, middle aged, & white male organization, which has become even more so since 1991. Democrats are a truly biracial party with equal numbers of men & women & a more middle class background, but it has become more liberal since 1991 due to the influx of more African Americans into the organization. Compared to Republicans, Democrats have a more professional orientation geared toward winning elections rather than fighting for ideological purity, & have become increasingly active over the last decade to meet the growing GOP electoral challenge. 6 Tables, 9 References. Adapted from the source document.

Summarizes this examination of African American presence & power in southern state legislatures, focusing on AK, FL, GA, MI, TX, during the last two decades of the 20th century. Gains in descriptive (actual numbers) & substantive (ability to adequately speak for the interests of black constituents) representation are compared. Also explored are the function & power of black caucuses; black coalitions with white legislators; black attainment of positions of power (chairpersonship of significant committees); & black voting patterns & their influence on policies, particularly those relevant to the black community. Despite regionwide patterns, there remains much interstate variation in both descriptive & substantive representation of southern African-American legislators; several factors related to each state's unique political culture that can explain these differences are explored. References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Summarizes this examination of African American presence & power in southern state legislatures, focusing on AK, FL, GA, MI, TX, during the last two decades of the 20th century. Gains in descriptive (actual numbers) & substantive (ability to adequately speak for the interests of black constituents) representation are compared. Also explored are the function & power of black caucuses; black coalitions with white legislators; black attainment of positions of power (chairpersonship of significant committees); & black voting patterns & their influence on policies, particularly those relevant to the black community. Despite regionwide patterns, there remains much interstate variation in both descriptive & substantive representation of southern African-American legislators; several factors related to each state's unique political culture that can explain these differences are explored. References. K. Hyatt Stewart

The quality of representation is assessed on the important issue of health care & in a historically traditionalistic southern state. Comparing surveys of Mississippi residents & state legislators, we find that representation has been promoted by the enfranchisement of African Americans & the rise of competitive political parties. Policy opinions on this single domestic issue are multidimensional, as proactive, provider, & services dimensions exist. Lawmakers serve as trustees on the proactive & provider dimensions, being more supportive of these programs than the public with Democrats particularly enthusiastic with proactive programs & Republicans particularly favoring the provider dimension. The parties diverge on services, where Democrats are more supportive & Republicans less supportive than average citizens. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

The quality of representation is assessed on the important issue of health care and in an historically traditionalistic southern state. Comparing surveys of Mississippi residents and state legislators, we find that representation has been promoted by the enfranchisement of African Americans and the rise of competitive political parties. Policy opinions on this single domestic issue are multidimensional, as proactive, provider, and services dimensions exist. Lawmakers serve as trustees on the proactive and provider dimensions, being more supportive of these programs than the public with Democrats particularly enthusiastic with proactive programs and Republicans particularly favoring the provider dimension. The parties diverge on services, where Democrats are more supportive and Republicans less supportive than average citizens.

Statewide opinion polls from the Deep South states of Alabama and Mississippi conducted during the 1990s are employed to examine the public's images of the parties, racial differences in those images, and their correlates with party identification. Racial issues appear to exert little effect over whites' partisan identifications, as a diversity of other issues that Republicans have favorable images on, such as crime and traditional values, are more important to whites. Racial differences do exist on perceptions of the two parties' strengths, as well as on the issues most salient in shaping each race's partisan ties. Racial differences in the images of the parties are the primary explanation for racial differences in party identification.