Suchergebnisse

International audience ; "I order the suspension of the parliamentary, administrative and supervisory functions of the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation. The Constitution. and legislation. will remain in force to the extent that they do not conflict with this Decree". Moscow, Kremlin, 21 September 1993, 8pm, Presidential Decree (Ukaz) n° 1400.Presented by some as a way out of the intractable conflict which had opposed the President and Parliament for months, denounced by others as a coup, Boris Yeltsin's decree provoked a crisis which would last fourteen days, during which political conflict turned into violent confrontation. From 21 September to 4 October 1993, Russia experienced a major political crisis. In response to Yeltsin's Ukaz, Members of Parliament supported by General Rutskoi, Russian Vice-President, met in extraordinary session, refused to comply with the presidential decision, occupied Parliament (the White House) and held out against the security forces. Protests were organised in the city: Yeltsin's supporters gathered near the Moscow Soviet (Mossovet), those supporting the deputies assembled near the White House. The political confrontation ended with the storming of Parliament by the army on 4 October, under the orders of the President, and the arrests of the rebel deputies and their supporters. The toll: more than 150 dead and 400 injured.Twenty years after October 1993, this Conference aims to propose a sociological analysis of this crucial but neglected political crisis. To this end, it seeks to question the official version of the event, which was principally the work of the victors, who imposed their vision of the confrontation and its consequences, in particular concerning the institutional outcomes. The Conference also restores the place of alternative accounts and memories. It analyses the diverse individual and collective trajectories of actors of the period. Focussing on the period prior to the conflict, its development and its consequences, ...

International audience ; "I order the suspension of the parliamentary, administrative and supervisory functions of the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation. The Constitution. and legislation. will remain in force to the extent that they do not conflict with this Decree". Moscow, Kremlin, 21 September 1993, 8pm, Presidential Decree (Ukaz) n° 1400.Presented by some as a way out of the intractable conflict which had opposed the President and Parliament for months, denounced by others as a coup, Boris Yeltsin's decree provoked a crisis which would last fourteen days, during which political conflict turned into violent confrontation. From 21 September to 4 October 1993, Russia experienced a major political crisis. In response to Yeltsin's Ukaz, Members of Parliament supported by General Rutskoi, Russian Vice-President, met in extraordinary session, refused to comply with the presidential decision, occupied Parliament (the White House) and held out against the security forces. Protests were organised in the city: Yeltsin's supporters gathered near the Moscow Soviet (Mossovet), those supporting the deputies assembled near the White House. The political confrontation ended with the storming of Parliament by the army on 4 October, under the orders of the President, and the arrests of the rebel deputies and their supporters. The toll: more than 150 dead and 400 injured.Twenty years after October 1993, this Conference aims to propose a sociological analysis of this crucial but neglected political crisis. To this end, it seeks to question the official version of the event, which was principally the work of the victors, who imposed their vision of the confrontation and its consequences, in particular concerning the institutional outcomes. The Conference also restores the place of alternative accounts and memories. It analyses the diverse individual and collective trajectories of actors of the period. Focussing on the period prior to the conflict, its development and its consequences, ...

Cet article s'intéresse à la trajectoire de la conception d'une réforme en cours en Russie, centrale pour le secteur public et inspirée des principes du « nouveau management public » : celle des établissements publics. Il montre comment ses initiateurs, en s'appuyant sur des héritages du passé, tentent de transformer les rapports de force au sein des secteurs de la sphère publique et de mobiliser à cette fin des alliés, et comment, parce qu'ils anticipent, à tort ou à raison, de multiples résistances, ils en viennent à infléchir eux-mêmes leur projet initial. Certaines de ces anticipations sont fortement liées aux compétitions et luttes pour l'appropriation de compétences et la défense de territoires qui structurent l'espace de l'administration fédérale où se joue le sort de la réforme.

International audience ; This article deals with the path of a reform design in today's Russia: that of the public institutions, which is central to the public sector as a whole and is inspired by the "new public management" principles. It shows how its initiators, relying on the legacy of the past, try to modify the relationships between actors in all the sectors of the public sphere and to rally allies to this end, and how they eventually come to bend their own initial project because they rightly or wrongly expect resistance of various kinds. Some of these expected sources of resistance strongly pertain to the space of the federal administration which is made of competitions and fights for the appropriation of competence and the defense of territories, and where the fate of the reform is to be settled. ; Cet article s'intéresse à la trajectoire de la conception d'une réforme en cours en Russie, centrale pour le secteur public et inspirée des principes du " nouveau management public " : celle des établissements publics. Il montre comment ses initiateurs, en s'appuyant sur des héritages du passé, tentent de transformer les rapports de force au sein des secteurs de la sphère publique et de mobiliser à cette fin des alliés, et comment, parce qu'ils anticipent, à tort ou à raison, de multiples résistances, ils en viennent à infléchir eux-mêmes leur projet initial. Certaines de ces anticipations sont fortement liées aux compétitions et luttes pour l'appropriation de compétences et la défense de territoires qui structurent l'espace de l'administration fédérale où se joue le sort de la réforme.

This article looks at the path of the design of an ongoing reform in Russia, central to the public sector and inspired by the principles of "new public management": that of public institutions. It shows how his initiators, building on the legacy of the past, try to transform power relationships within the public sector and mobilise allies to this end, and how, because they anticipate multiple resistance, either wrongly or rightly, they themselves change their original plan. Some of these expectations are strongly linked to competitions and struggles for the appropriation of skills and the defence of territories that structure the federal administration space where the fate of reform takes place. ; International audience This article deals with the path of a reform design in today's Russia: that of the public institutions, which is central to the public sector as a whole and is inspired by the "new public management" principles. It shows how its initiators, relying on the legacy of the past, try to modify the relationships between actors in all the sectors of the public sphere and to rally allies to this end, and how they eventually come to bend their own initial project because they rightly or wrongly expect resistance of various kinds. Some of these expected sources of resistance strongly pertain to the space of the federal administration which is made of competitions and fights for the appropriation of competence and the defense of territories, and where the fate of the reform is to be settled. ; This article looks at the path of the design of an ongoing reform in Russia, central to the public sector and inspired by the principles of "new public management": that of public institutions. It shows how his initiators, building on the legacy of the past, try to transform power relationships within the public sector and mobilise allies to this end, and how, because they anticipate multiple resistance, either wrongly or rightly, they themselves change their original plan. Some of these expectations are strongly ...

This article deals with the Moscow ecological groups which appeared during perestroika, like many other "informal" political clubs whose specificity was to be independent from, but tolerated by, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU). It focuses on the effects the 1989 electoral campaign for the USSR Congress of People's Deputies had on their evolution. The ecological issue had stirred people into action and had been more and more present on the political agenda since 1986. However it almost vanished as a significant political stake and as a nascent grassroots movement in these first contested elections, at least in Moscow. The very configuration of political interplay during this campaign incited the informal clubs and the "radical" CPSU reformers they were supporting to relegate to the background the ecological issue. Henceforth, ecological groups were confined in the margins of the political space.

International audience ; A new mode of government, which can be labelled as 'entrepreneurial', is now rising in Russia. It contributes to building or restructuring markets in strategic industries and public service sectors with a view to launching them into the international competition. At the same time, it incites public service providers to turn into entrepreneurs by hybridizing rules from public and private sectors. This article focuses on the effects of such an entrepreneurial government inspired by "New public management" on higher education. ; Un nouveau mode de gouvernement, que l'on peut qualifier d'"État entrepreneur", émerge aujourd'hui en Russie : c'est un État qui construit ou restructure des marchés dans des secteurs stratégiques (industrie et services publics) en vue de les lancer dans la compétition internationale et qui incite les producteurs de services publics à se transformer eux-mêmes en entrepreneurs par une hybridation des règles des secteurs public et privé. Cet article s'intéresse aux effets de ce mode de gouvernement, inspiré par la "Nouvelle gestion publique", sur l'enseignement supérieur.

International audience ; A new mode of government, which can be labelled as 'entrepreneurial', is now rising in Russia. It contributes to building or restructuring markets in strategic industries and public service sectors with a view to launching them into the international competition. At the same time, it incites public service providers to turn into entrepreneurs by hybridizing rules from public and private sectors. This article focuses on the effects of such an entrepreneurial government inspired by "New public management" on higher education. ; Un nouveau mode de gouvernement, que l'on peut qualifier d'"État entrepreneur", émerge aujourd'hui en Russie : c'est un État qui construit ou restructure des marchés dans des secteurs stratégiques (industrie et services publics) en vue de les lancer dans la compétition internationale et qui incite les producteurs de services publics à se transformer eux-mêmes en entrepreneurs par une hybridation des règles des secteurs public et privé. Cet article s'intéresse aux effets de ce mode de gouvernement, inspiré par la "Nouvelle gestion publique", sur l'enseignement supérieur.

International audience ; A new mode of government, which can be labelled as 'entrepreneurial', is now rising in Russia. It contributes to building or restructuring markets in strategic industries and public service sectors with a view to launching them into the international competition. At the same time, it incites public service providers to turn into entrepreneurs by hybridizing rules from public and private sectors. This article focuses on the effects of such an entrepreneurial government inspired by "New public management" on higher education. ; Un nouveau mode de gouvernement, que l'on peut qualifier d'"État entrepreneur", émerge aujourd'hui en Russie : c'est un État qui construit ou restructure des marchés dans des secteurs stratégiques (industrie et services publics) en vue de les lancer dans la compétition internationale et qui incite les producteurs de services publics à se transformer eux-mêmes en entrepreneurs par une hybridation des règles des secteurs public et privé. Cet article s'intéresse aux effets de ce mode de gouvernement, inspiré par la "Nouvelle gestion publique", sur l'enseignement supérieur.