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This article outlines a new approach to the social psychology of power. Specifically, it challenges the currently influential conflictoriented dependence analysis, in which power operates as an almost exclusively repressive force. Drawing on relevant work from other social science disciplines, the article presents an identity model of power, in which both consensus and conflict play important roles. The model theorizes power as a productive as well as repressive force, and differentiates between social power toachieve desired outcomes and social power overothers (domination). The implications of the model for two classic issues in the power literature are considered: the relationship between power and status, and challenges to power (resistance and social change). The model's empirical potential is also discussed.

Collective identification and clear separation in a well-structured social environment are crucial for right-wing activists. Biographical interviews with members of the extreme Right party "Republikaner" & journalists of the right-wing magazine "Junge Freiheit" show that their political thought & activism is guided primarily by a national identity. Closely connected to this national identity are xenophobic attitudes toward foreigners. Other than these extreme Right attitudes, the interviewed are well-integrated members of society & felt for a long time that they were represented by established democratic parties. These findings point out the danger of a "radicalization of the centre of society.". 24 References. Adapted from the source document.

Gegenstand der Untersuchung sind kollektive Identifikationen von Republikanern und Redakteuren der Zeitschrift 'Junge Freiheit'. Hier handelt es sich, wie die Verfasser zeigen, um einen 'Extremismus' aus der Mitte der Gesellschaft heraus: ein Blick auf die soziale und politische Herkunft und Sozialisation der Befragten zeigt, dass sie nicht aus gesellschaftlich marginalisierten Kreisen stammen. Das politische Denken und Handeln, das Weltbild der Befragten ist durchweg in einem nationalen Deutungsrahmen verankert. Die Verfasser entwerfen eine Topographie rechtsradikaler Identität mit folgenden Elementen: (1) Freundeskreis, (2) Abgrenzung zu NPD und DVU, (3) 'rechte' kollektive Identität, (4) nationale Identität als Deutscher. Dabei scheint das Zusammenspiel von traditionsorientierter, konservativer und patriotischer Erziehung, von biographisch vermittelter Verbundenheit mit deutscher Geschichte und von Zugehörigkeiten zu nationalkonservativen Gesinnungsgemeinschaften nationale Identität zu aktivieren und zu verstärken. Ihre politische Schlussfolgerung in Hinblick auf dem Umgang mit Rechtsradikalismus fassen die Autoren in die Formel "Integration statt Exklusion". (ICE)

The authors take a social psychological approach to examine the motivation of gays to participate in the gay movement. Their "two path model" integrates two main approaches of social psychological movement theory: the calculation of costs & gains & collective identity processes. On the basis of three studies, the authors test their model. They try to predict the actual behavior & measure the importance of identities as gay activists. Their results show the influence of both approaches, but that of collective identity is of major importance. 34 References. Adapted from the source document.

"Die Autoren beschäftigen sich in Ihrem Beitrag mit sozialpsychologischen Prozessen, die der Motivation schwuler Männer zum Engagement innerhalb der Schwulenbewegung zugrundeliegen. In ihrem Zwei-Wege Modell sozialer Bewegungsbeteiligung integrieren sie zwei einflußreiche Ansätze der sozialpsychologischen Bewegungsforschung: die Kalkulation von Kosten und Nutzen sowie kollektive Identifikationsprozesse. In drei Studien untersuchen die Autoren die Replizierbarkeit des Modells, seine Vorhersagekraft mit Blick auf tatsächliches Verhalten sowie die inhaltliche Bedeutung einer schwulen Aktivistenidentität. Es zeigt sich, dass soziale Bewegungsbeteiligung schwuler Männer sowohl durch Kalkulations- als auch durch kollektive Idenfikationsprozesse beeinflußt wird. Kollektive Identifikation mit der Schwulenbewegung spielt dabei eine herausragende Rolle." (Autorenreferat)

This article elucidates how members of the two largest immigration groups living in Germany (i.e., immigrants with a Russian or Turkish background) deal with and integrate values and practices deriving from their ethnocultural minority group and the larger society. A special emphasis of this article is on how context conditions form opportunities for varieties of acculturation and identification. The pattern of results suggests a taxonomy of immigrants' acculturation, consisting of Blended Integration, Alternating Integration, Separation, and Dis‐Integration. This taxonomy is based on immigrants' integration of cultural aspects, while it proved to be analytically useful to conceptualize their national self‐allocation as an additional dimension. Immigrants' development of these different varieties was found to be linked to their perceptions of compatibility and acceptance by the larger society. Relative to immigrants with a Turkish background, immigrants with a Russian background experience less deep incompatibilities between values and practices deriving from the cultural groups, thus having more latitude for acculturation and integration. In contrast, immigrants with a Turkish background experience more challenges to acculturation and integration as a result of being confronted more frequently with incompatibilities and experience less societal acceptance. Further conceptual and societal implications are discussed.

The article reports two experiments that examined politicization in the name of the majority population and intergroup polarization as a function of perceived grievances of the majority population. To manipulate perceived majority grievances, we used three different injustice frames (cultural, economic, political), each of which targeted an important arena of societal participation and thus a typical breeding ground for societal injustices and psychological grievances. In addition, both experiments included a (no frame) control condition. The samples recruited for the two experiments differed from each other in (left–right) political orientation and consequently in their perceptions of and reactions to potential majority grievances. The most striking differential influences were observed for the cultural grievance symbolized by the political correctness norm. However, both experiments provided evidence that majority politicization mediates the effect of majority grievances on intergroup polarization and that, in contrast to the divisive role of majority politicization, majority solidarity likely fosters social inclusion.

The article reports two experiments that examined politicization in the name of the majority population and intergroup polarization as a function of perceived grievances of the majority population. To manipulate perceived majority grievances, we used three different injustice frames (cultural, economic, political), each of which targeted an important arena of societal participation and thus a typical breeding ground for societal injustices and psychological grievances. In addition, both experiments included a (no frame) control condition. The samples recruited for the two experiments differed from each other in (left–right) political orientation and consequently in their perceptions of and reactions to potential majority grievances. The most striking differential influences were observed for the cultural grievance symbolized by the political correctness norm. However, both experiments provided evidence that majority politicization mediates the effect of majority grievances on intergroup polarization and that, in contrast to the divisive role of majority politicization, majority solidarity likely fosters social inclusion. ; peerReviewed ; publishedVersion

International audience ; A panel study with two points of measurement throughout a four-month interval ( = 189) in the context of a socio-political organization was conducted to examine the role of collective identity in mediating the relationship between perceived respect and organizational participation. Path analyses confirmed that the effect of perceived respect at Time 1 on organizational participation at Time 2 was fully mediated by the cognitive component of collective identity (`importance-to-identity'). Interestingly, although perceived respect at Time 1 also had a significant effect on the evaluative component of collective identity (`private collective self-esteem'), this component was not involved in the mediation. Including perceived individual benefits as statistical controls in the model did not change this picture. In fact, with regard to the link between perceived benefits and participation results also point to a mediating role of the cognitive component of collective identity. Theoretical and practical implications of these findings are discussed.