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AbstractThis paper presents an overview of the statistics on Civil Society and the Voluntary Nonprofit Sector (vnps) in the world, with special attention to theusaand China. The central foci are numbers of Nonprofit Groups, especially associations, and numbers of volunteers in associations. The paper draws on various research documents, as well as estimates by the author, based on extensive prior research.

This article sketches the development of the organized, interdisciplinary, global field, and emerging academic discipline of altruistics, focusing on academic journals and mainly on researcher associations founded since the Association for Research on Nonprofit Organizations and Voluntary Action (ARNOVA) in 1971. About 55 similar interdisciplinary altruistics researcher associations have been founded worldwide (48 described here; including 9 defunct), 25 of them national in geographic scope, but seven covering a world region and 11 global. Over 100 academic journals that publish research on altruistics or its sub-topics have been published, with 95 active ones described here. The author estimates that there are at least 8,000 active altruistics researchers worldwide, and perhaps as many as 20,000. The author devised the neologism "altruistics" (or alternatively, "voluntaristics") to refer to all the phenomena of our field, individual and collective. Included are philanthropy, nonprofit sector, third sector, voluntary sector, civil society, social economy, volunteering, associations, and nonprofit organizations, among other topics. The term is similar to the term linguistics.

Abstract
Data from an extensive research project in the state of Massachusetts (USA), collected in the 1960s and never before reported, are used to test a theory of association prevalence among 351 municipalities. The dependent variable to be explained was an Association Prevalence Index (total number existing) in each municipality. The Index was derived from Massachusetts Statehouse physical records for all incorporated Nonprofit Organizations (NPOs), and showed an average of 33 associations per municipality. Using bivariate correlations, the results confirmed the theory generally. Association prevalence (raw number of associations) in a municipality was positively and significantly related to larger population size, being a county administrative center, more business telephones, greater circulation of weekly newspapers (local newspapers), more service businesses, more state government agencies, more churches, larger percentage of African-Americans, and more halls/buildings available for association gatherings (meetings, events). Contrary to the theory, the socioeconomic status of municipalities was not significantly related to association prevalence. The Statehouse Association Prevalence Index was correlated very highly (r = .92) with an independent measure of association prevalence, derived from coding the "Yellow Pages" of phone books. This result indicates the reliability and general validity of both prevalence measures.

ARNOVA was founded in 1971 by David Horton Smith with the help of some others, particularly Burt R. Baldwin, Richard D. Reddy, and Eugene D. White, Jr. Financial resources were supplied by the Center for a Voluntary Society of Washington, DC, under the leadership first of James Shultz and later John Dixon. Incorporated as a 501(c)(3) in DC from the start, initially named Association of Voluntary Action Scholars, the organization operated very informally for the first 5 years. From 1977 to 1994, there was a more formal volunteer leadership period and then a paid executive director period beginning in 1994. The name was changed to ARNOVA in 1991. The Journal of Voluntary Action Research began publication in 1972, changing its name in 1989 to Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly . Other publications arose over the years. Annual conferences began in 1974. An ARNOVA-L Listserv was begun in 1991 and a CGAP-L Listserv in 1999. An awards program was begun in 1993. Two formal ARNOVA sections, one on teaching and one on community and grassroots associations, have been in existence since 1999. The association prospers with a variety of foundation grants and member revenues. There were more than 1,000 members at year-end 2000 from 34 nations and two U.S. territories.

AbstractGrassroots associations are locally based, significantly autonomous, volunteer‐run, formal nonprofit groups that manifest significant voluntary altruism as a group. They use the associational form of organization and thus have an official membership of volunteers who perform all or nearly all of the work done in and by these nonprofits. This report reviews some of what is known about how grassroots associations achieve external impacts (impacts on their environment). The preceding issue of this journal (volume 9, issue 4) contains a similar review article for internal impact (impact on members). The method used is a comprehensive literature review.

Grassroots associations (GAs) are defined as locally based and wholly volunteer nonprofits-essentially local voluntary associations, in sociological terms. Such associations are discussed in theoretical terms, examining pros and cons regarding their potential importance. On the basis of an extensive literature review, the internal impact of GAs involves the fostering of social support and mutual helping, stimulation and self-expression, happiness and health, sociopolitical activation, and economic and other outcomes among members. On the downside, some GA activity (eg., in delinquent gangs) can increase individual deviance among members. Externally, GAs often create positive change, enable continuing citizen participation in a democracy and a viable "civil society," provide varied services to nonmembers, help maintain societal cohesion, and can help in disasters. GAs also help support the economic system and stimulate program volunteering, philanthropic giving, and other GA activity. Cumutatively, grassroots associations have a very substantial effect on society and on the lives of its citizens, especially in modern nations like America.

Many nonprofit scholars recognize and study only paid staff nonprofits. More general, research-based, statistical overview 'maps" of the nonprofit sector (NPS)follow this same 'flat earth" approach. The rest of the NPS consists mainly of grassroots associations, which have cumulative magnitudes greater than paid staff nonprofits in America on several dimensions circa 1990-numbers of groups, memberships, members, active volunteers, yearly hours of volunteer time, and full-time equivalents (FTEs) of annual work by associational (not program) volunteers. These figures, combined with better estimates of numbers of IRS-missing paid staff nonprofits, constitute the first comprehensive "round earth" statistical map of the NPS as presented here. IRS listings and prevailing flat earth statistical maps based on them ignore about 90% of all nonprofits in the nation as well as half of volunteers and their work time. Suggestions are made for improving future NPS map making and research.