Suchergebnisse

In France, women did not get the vote until 1945. In this study the author assesses why French women were repeatedly refused the rights of citizenship and examines the political relationships established by French feminists in order to achieve their goal of one woman, one vote

The Chinese government developed what it calls a "poverty alleviation program"—initially reported to target individuals living in poor, rural regions such as Xinjiang. The program would "compel" those living in poverty in Xinjiang to work for significantly reduced wages in "low-skilled manufacturing industries, including the production of textiles and apparel." This coerced labor transfer scheme was mandated by the Chinese government and enforced by different production entities, one being the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps (XPCC). However, recent reports have indicated several notable pieces of information that expand on what was originally known about this coercive labor scheme. This post was originally published on the Cardozo Arts & Entertainment Law Journal website on May 3, 2021. The original post can be accessed via the Archived Link button above.

Commodities play an integral role in the creation and maintenance of personas - to such a degree that they begin to take on characteristics of labor, provenance, and politics, such as distressed clothing or fair trade labels. This essay proposes that we have begun to freight our commodities with their own personas and imagined subjecthoods, and that this shift is foreshadowed in the transformation of artistic practices in the late twentieth century. Two theories on the status of contemporary artworks have come to recent prominence - David Joselit's "Painting Beside Itself," which argues that artworks need image not just their status as commodities but rather their circulation and [social] networks, and Isabelle Graw's claim that artworks are being reconsidered as imaginary "quasi-subjects." Thus, artworks are being equated with persons, not by their looks but by their actions. This new apprehension of objects finds its own roots in American sculptural debates of minimalism in the late 1960's, where theorists resorted to ascribing subjectivities to objects to account for the relentless anthropomorphism of even those works which attempted to fully excise the human form. Proponents of "quasi-subjecthood" argue from two tacks: the object either is a subject of its own, or is propped on the "ghostly presence" of its maker. I believe this indicates two predominant characterizations of commodities: full subjects, or signs of an absent maker. Both arguments flirt with a fetishism that, in giving personas and personalities to objects, threatens to erase the social conditions in which each object is made. However, there may be a way in which these imaginaries can be harnessed as prosthetics for our communities. This essay explores possible avenues for artists and critics to create ethical objects for societies of art.

This thesis explores the nexus of state power and public imagination in the practice of public speech and popular confessions, and how self-speech discourse has inhabited not only persons but also objects today. The tendency by which all speech acts are taken as performances of oneself permeates not only the obvious -- memoirs and reality television -- but also our apprehension of the contemporary commodity. The confessional explored here is not only the speech of humans, but also the changing terms of how we relate to objects -- and the means law enforcement employs to tie us ever closer to our words and our things. Crossing an array of fields -- from social media law to the forensics of exhumation, confessional poetry to fair trade coffee -- I hope to suggest the latent restrictions and possibilities inhabiting an era where speech is relentlessly self-centered.

Using the United Kingdom as a case study, this article examines the application of competition regulation to the contemporary television industry. The article begins with a brief overview of the nature of competition law. It then moves on to consider the growing importance attached to competition regulation within the UK television industry. Using a range of recent examples, the main part of the article analyses the application of competition regulation to UK television broadcasting in four main areas, namely: (1) mergers and acquisitions; (2) monopoly/market dominance; (3) cartels; and (4) state aid and public service broadcasting. The article highlights two key points: first, the difficulty of applying competition law principles to the television industry, most notably in relation to key concepts, such as 'market definition' and the 'abuse' of market dominance; and, second, the inherently political nature of competition law.

Neither the new 2011 US National Strategy for Counterterrorism, nor the recently published counter-radicalisation strategy provide a template upon which Federal, State and local law enforcement and civilian agencies could effectively plan the future US defence against terrorism. Has an opportunity been lost? The White House recently published two significant strategies outlining its approach to the threat of domestic terrorism from Islamic violent extremism. The National Strategy for Counterterrorism is a wide-ranging review of the challenges that currently face the US in its decade-long campaign against al-Qaeda. It is upbeat in tone after the death of Osama Bin Laden. However, the detailed descriptions of the nine theatres of counterterrorist operations across the world in which America is engaged are less optimistic. Critically, for the first time in a National Counterterrorism Strategy document, one of those theatres considered is the US Homeland itself. Faced with this new threat, America urgently requires a national domestic counterterrorism doctrine which can effectively unite the global reach of its counterterrorist intelligence community with the detailed domain awareness of its law-enforcement agencies. In addition, the White House also recently published a counter-radicalisation strategy, titled 'Empowering Local Partners to Prevent Violent Extremism in the United States'. However, this fails to offer much practical advice to the government's State and local partners. Consequently, America still needs a comprehensive inter-agency counter-radicalisation policy to address al-Qaeda's effective efforts 'on line' to recruit American Muslim youths to their cause.