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The COVID-19 pandemic has dominated the global media since 2020. To a large extent, it is via the news media that the public has learned about the risks, levels of danger, governmental regulations and mandatory actions. This article highlights the subject positions constructed by the Swedish news media from January 2020 to February 2021 in reports about the pandemic. The result shows that citizens can be active-passive or solitary solidarity, these positions appeal to individual accountability, thus potentially shaping and fostering citizens in line with the Swedish government's wider response to the pandemic. The news media's images are of self-regulated citizens who govern and discipline themselves and others according to the current discourses, all of which simultaneously evoke fear, togetherness and hope. The ideological dilemmas for citizens are whether to be active-passive or, if necessary, switch to the solitary solidarity subject position.

The so-called Swedish model of trust is characterised by strong public support for the idea of an individual-based and extensive welfare state, well-developed state individualism, high levels of social trust, widespread appreciation of the judiciary, openness, tolerance, and a free and independent press. Today, Swedish society faces several challenges. Will the Swedish model of trust be eroded or is it relatively resilient to stress? A Novus survey from 2019 found that a total of 74 percent of the Swedish population were very or quite worried about Islamic extremism, 66 percent very or quite worried about right-wing extremism and 46 percent very or quite worried about left-wing extremism. Other surveys show that the public is also concerned about the deterioration of the welfare state, social gaps, the increased number of refugees to Sweden and xenophobia. Moreover, the Novus survey shows that 65 percent believe that violence-promoting extremism will increase in Sweden in the coming ten-year period. 22 percent indicate that they have become suspicious of people they have encountered in everyday situations and 15 percent have avoided large crowds, e.g. shopping malls, pedestrian areas and subways. When asked which measures are good for increasing security in society, common answers were to reduce social exclusion, increase camera surveillance in public places and provide more information on democratic principles and values. These answers indicate that Swedish public opinion has a relatively balanced view of public measures against violent extremism, which is consistent with the Swedish model of trust. In general, the public does not propose the implementation of overly excessive measures against violent extremism. However, given continued public concern over the development of violent extremism, the long term stability of the Swedish model of trust remains in question.

"The accruement of crises over the last two decades, with their particular manifestations in the European context, has evoked the feeling of living in exceptional times, as captured in the recurrent claim that we live in the "age of anxiety." The main aim of this collection is to analyse, from a multidisciplinary perspective, the causes and consequences of the current dominance of the discourse of fear, anxiety, and crisis through the experience of distinct and often interdependent moral panics in twenty-first-century Europe. With its multidisciplinary approach, this volume sheds light on the need to view the interrelationship between different crises and their associated affects as crucial in attaining a more nuanced understanding of the aetiology and effects of the current "age of anxiety." This multidisciplinary scrutiny of the interrelationship of twenty-first-century fears, anxiety and crises signals an original engagement with these complex phenomena in order to make their emergence and profound effects on contemporary society more comprehensible. The timeliness of the thematic focus and the rigorous in-depth analyses make this collection relevant to students and academics within the fields of sociology, literary and cultural studies, political science and anthropology, as well as to those in European studies and global studies"--

"The accruement of crises over the last two decades, with their particular manifestations in the European context, has evoked the feeling of living in exceptional times, as captured in the recurrent claim that we live in the "age of anxiety." The main aim of this collection is to analyse, from a multidisciplinary perspective, the causes and consequences of the current dominance of the discourse of fear, anxiety, and crisis through the experience of distinct and often interdependent moral panics in twenty-first-century Europe. With its multidisciplinary approach, this volume sheds light on the need to view the interrelationship between different crises and their associated affects as crucial in attaining a more nuanced understanding of the aetiology and effects of the current "age of anxiety." This multidisciplinary scrutiny of the interrelationship of twenty-first-century fears, anxiety and crises signals an original engagement with these complex phenomena in order to make their emergence and profound effects on contemporary society more comprehensible. The timeliness of the thematic focus and the rigorous in-depth analyses make this collection relevant to students and academics within the fields of sociology, literary and cultural studies, political science and anthropology, as well as to those in European studies and global studies"--

Sweden has a history of a stable party system, democracy, consensus, welfare and few labour market conflicts. But after the election in 2014, the Ludvika municipality in Sweden found itself in an unusual situation: a representative from a neo-Nazi party – the Nordic Resistance Movement (NRM) – held a seat in its local political council. The party, and its movement, are the most prominent representative of violent white supremacy in Sweden, known not least for its fear-mongering tactics. Between November 1, 2017 and August 31, 2018, Dalarna University conducted a study using questionnaires and interviews within the Ludvika municipality to investigate the sense of safety felt by elected representatives of both the political council and the municipal boards. An anticipated result might have been that the NRM presence in the municipal assembly has strongly impacted on the politicians' sense of safety – and also has increased political tensions. To a certain extent, this proved to be the case. However, Ludvika politicians must also contend with other sources of and reasons for mockery, harassment and threats: predominantly "angry citizens" due to controversial decisions, personal conflicts within established parties relating to the choice of personnel, and a contempt for in particular some extreme right wing political opinions. The results regarding the sense of safety and vulnerability are very much in line with national figures. Even overall, Swedish politicians at the national, regional and local levels are aware of pressure from right-wing extremists, who distribute propaganda that often incorporates blame, an exposing of individuals and violent language. The result from Ludvika should therefore be seen as one of degree rather than of type, as the situation is worse here than in other municipal councils in Sweden. A conclusion that can be drawn from the study is that the political debate is heading in an increasingly antagonistic direction, where ideological adversaries are regarded more as enemies than as legitimate opponents. While in the long term this can pose a threat to democracy, positive counter-responses were found in Ludvika that can serve to support the democratic position.

AbstractBackgroundParticipation is a central aspect of quality of life, and it is indicative of high‐quality outcomes for people with intellectual disabilities. However, participation is difficult to achieve for adults with profound intellectual and multiple disabilities.AimTo describe staff members' perceptions of what participation means for adults with profound intellectual and multiple disabilities.MethodUsing a phenomenographic approach, 27 interviews were analysed resulting in variations in the conditions for participation.ResultsThe interviews revealed conditions for participation at individual, staff and organisational levels.ConclusionParticipation appears to be an un‐reflected phenomenon, and several conditions must be met to achieve it. The conditions are experienced being fundamental for adults within the target group to achieve any kind of participation. The staff members and managers' perceptions of participation as conditional can make it more difficult for adults within the target group to achieve the Swedish disability policy goal of participation.

The past 15 years have seen a fresh approach to management training. One of the areas that has generated the most interest around Europe is how to improve project creation and co-creation, based, among other things, on 4H innovation models (quadruple helix comprising academia, government, industry and civil society) has become firmly established as one of the most important tools. Below is a description of three current cases that illustrate how different 4H actors are tackling the challenge of providing management training for co-creation in context. ; Accomplissh

The aim of this study was to analyze how line and middle managers experience and describe barriers and enablers in the implementation of a health-promoting leadership program in municipal organizations. A qualitative case study design was applied to examine the leadership program in a case involving implementation of an organizational health intervention. Data were mainly collected using semi-structured interviews with line and middle managers participating in the leadership program. Interviews with senior managers, notes from meetings/workshops, and written action plans were used as complementary data. The interview data were analyzed using a thematic analysis, and the complementary data using a summative content analysis. The findings show that the interviewed line and middle managers experienced this leadership program as a new approach in leadership training because it is based primarily on employee participation. Involvement and commitment of the employees was considered a crucial enabler in the implementation of the leadership program. Other enablers identified include action plans with specific goals, earlier experiences of organizational change, and integration of the program content into regular routines and structures. The line and middle managers described several barriers in the implementation process, and they described various organizational conditions, such as high workload, lack of senior management support, politically initiated projects, and organizational change, as challenges that limited the opportunities to be drivers of change. Taken together, these barriers interfered with the leadership program and its implementation. The study contributes to the understanding of how organizational-level health interventions are implemented in public sector workplaces.

The aim of this study was to analyze how line and middle managers experience and describe barriers and enablers in the implementation of a health-promoting leadership program in municipal organizations. A qualitative case study design was applied to examine the leadership program in a case involving implementation of an organizational health intervention. Data were mainly collected using semi-structured interviews with line and middle managers participating in the leadership program. Interviews with senior managers, notes from meetings/workshops, and written action plans were used as complementary data. The interview data were analyzed using a thematic analysis, and the complementary data using a summative content analysis. The findings show that the interviewed line and middle managers experienced this leadership program as a new approach in leadership training because it is based primarily on employee participation. Involvement and commitment of the employees was considered a crucial enabler in the implementation of the leadership program. Other enablers identified include action plans with specific goals, earlier experiences of organizational change, and integration of the program content into regular routines and structures. The line and middle managers described several barriers in the implementation process, and they described various organizational conditions, such as high workload, lack of senior management support, politically initiated projects, and organizational change, as challenges that limited the opportunities to be drivers of change. Taken together, these barriers interfered with the leadership program and its implementation. The study contributes to the understanding of how organizational-level health interventions are implemented in public sector workplaces.

Governments have enforced measures to limit the spread of COVID-19 with varying degrees of success, which could affect people's physical activity (PA) and sedentary behavior. This study aimed to examine changes in PA levels, types of PA, and sedentary behavior in the Swedish population before and during the COVID-19 pandemic. Associations between changed PA levels and demographical and behavioral determinants were also investigated. In December 2020, 1035 individuals (18–79 years old) completed a survey about their PA and sedentary behavior before and during the pandemic. Factors influencing their PA were also explored. Fifty-one percent of the sample reported reduced total PA, 18% had no change, and 31% increased their PA. Overall, organized PA decreased the most and sedentary behavior increased. The youngest and oldest age groups reported the greatest reduction in PA, while middle-aged groups reported the most increased PA. Men reported a larger increase in sedentary behavior than women. Mental and physical capability was associated with change in PA. In conclusion, this study indicates that, during the COVID-19 pandemic, the majority of the Swedish population have decreased PA levels with a concurrent increase in sedentary behavior, which may have negative health consequences. Interventions are recommended to address both PA and sedentary behavior, specifically to strengthen people's ability to perform PA and focusing on the youngest and oldest age groups.

Sweden has a history of a stable party system, democracy, consensus, welfare and few labour market conflicts. But after the election in 2014, the Ludvika municipality in Sweden found itself in an unusual situation: a representative from a neo-Nazi party – the Nordic Resistance Movement (NRM) – held a seat in its local political council. The party, and its movement, are the most prominent representative of violent white supremacy in Sweden, known not least for its fear-mongering tactics. Between November 1, 2017 and August 31, 2018, Dalarna University conducted a study using questionnaires and interviews within the Ludvika municipality to investigate the sense of safety felt by elected representatives of both the political council and the municipal boards. An anticipated result might have been that the NRM presence in the municipal assembly has strongly impacted on the politicians' sense of safety – and also has increased political tensions. To a certain extent, this proved to be the case. However, Ludvika politicians must also contend with other sources of and reasons for mockery, harassment and threats: predominantly "angry citizens" due to controversial decisions, personal conflicts within established parties relating to the choice of personnel, and a contempt for in particular some extreme right wing political opinions. The results regarding the sense of safety and vulnerability are very much in line with national figures. Even overall, Swedish politicians at the national, regional and local levels are aware of pressure from right-wing extremists, who distribute propaganda that often incorporates blame, an exposing of individuals and violent language. The result from Ludvika should therefore be seen as one of degree rather than of type, as the situation is worse here than in other municipal councils in Sweden. A conclusion that can be drawn from the study is that the political debate is heading in an increasingly antagonistic direction, where ideological adversaries are regarded more as enemies than as legitimate opponents. While in the long term this can pose a threat to democracy, positive counter-responses were found in Ludvika that can serve to support the democratic position.