Suchergebnisse

In many post‐socialist countries, there is a strong social ideal that, in order to live a fulfilled life, men and women should have children; thus "childfree" lifestyles are much less popular than in North‐Western Europe. In this article, we explore factors leading to childlessness among men who were mostly socialized under state‐socialist conditions and in the subsequent transition period by analysing 30 in‐depth interviews conducted with heterosexual childless men over 50 in Hungary. Older interviewees who grew up in state socialism followed a standardized life‐course and went through the same life‐course events—including school, work, and, in some cases, childless marriages. However, the political change of 1989–1990 interrupted these standardized life‐courses. Our results show that, besides individual‐level factors, macro‐level factors connected to the political‐economic transition in the early 1990s influenced our interviewees' pathways to childlessness. In this sense, we can say that the change of policy regime influenced these men's choices, as in most cases there was a strong interplay between the individual‐ and the macro‐level factors.

This study examines social attitudes towards homosexuality in two Central-Eastern European neighbouring countries – Romania and Hungary – with many common points, but that do differ in their religious traditions.
Our main research question is whether the main religious denomination can influence social attitudes towards homosexuality, after controlling for all the important individual level variables (gender, age, education, type of settlement, family status, employment background, and attitudes related to family and gender norms). Among the examined variables we especially focus on the religious ones since the dominant denominations are different in these otherwise similar societies.
The empirical base of our study comprises two longitudinal databases: the European Social Survey (ESS) and the European Values Study (EVS). We use data from two ESS rounds (of 2006 and 2008) and three EVS rounds (of 1990, 1999 and 2008). Since Romania participated only in the 3rd and the 4th rounds of the ESS (in 2006 and 2008), the Romanian results from 2008 are the most recent ones.
We apply descriptive statistics and regression models. Our main conclusion is that belonging to the Orthodox Church had a more negative effect on social attitudes towards homosexuality than belonging to the Catholic Church (as previous studies have also found).

Ebben a tanulmányban azt vizsgáltuk, hogy milyen tényezők játszhatnak szerepet abban, ha egy férfi nem vállal gyermeket ma Magyarországon. Továbbá arra a kérdésre is próbálunk választ adni, hogy vajon eltérő gyermektelenségi mintázatok figyelhetők-e meg a férfiak és a nők között Magyarországon. Jelen kutatás szervesen kapcsolódik korábbi, elsősorban gyermektelen nőkre fókuszáló kutatásainkhoz, melyeket most kiegészítünk a magyar férfiakra fókuszáló vizsgálatunkkal. A kutatás empirikus alapja egy 50 év feletti gyermektelen férfiakkal készített félig strukturált interjús vizsgálat, amelyet 2015 és 2016 között végeztünk különböző típusú magyarországi településeken. Kutatási eredményeink arra világítanak rá, hogy a férfiak és a nők gyermektelensége mögött gyakran eltérő tényezők húzód- hatnak meg, illetve az azonos tényezők mögött is eltérő mechanizmusok működhetnek.

PurposeThis paper seeks to answer the practical question whether the institutionalisation level of same‐sex relationships can affect the social acceptance of lesbian women and gay men in Europe, and highlight some of the factors that can potentially determine the incidence of homophobia in 26 European countries.Design/methodology/approachThe study contributes to the literature on acceptance of lesbian women and gay men in Europe by using the European Social Survey dataset, focusing especially on a key variable measuring the agreement level with the statement that gay men and lesbians should be free to live their own life as they wish. For data analyses, explanatory models were constructed by applying multilevel mixed‐effects linear regression.FindingsThe study presented empirically tested arguments that the introduction of same‐sex partnership legislation can lead to a decrease of anti‐gay/lesbian attitudes, as has happened in the European countries examined in this study.Research limitations/implicationsFuture research in more societies is needed to examine the long‐term effects of the introduction of same‐sex partnership legislation on homophobia.Social implicationsA key policy implication of highlighting that the provision of equal rights for gay and lesbian citizens in the form of same‐sex marriage and registered partnership can positively influence attitudes, is to urge policy‐makers to introduce these legal frameworks in order to create a more inclusive society.Originality/valueThe content presented in this paper is based on the authors' own original research.

Tanulmányunkban a leszbikusokkal és a melegekkel kapcsolatos társadalmi attitűdöket vizsgáljuk a European Social Survey (ESS) 8. és 9. hullámában felvett adatok felhasználásával, különös tekintettel a "Hagyni kell, hogy a meleg férfiak és a leszbikus nők szabadon éljék az életüket"(B34); a "Szégyellném, ha a közeli rokonaim között volna meleg férfi vagy leszbikus nő"(B35); és "A meleg férfipárokat és a leszbikus női párokat a gyermekek örökbefogadása terén a heteroszexuális párokéval megegyező jogoknak kellene megilletnie"(B36) változókra. A B34 egy ESS alapváltozó, amely 2002 óta mind a kilenc ESS adatfelvételi hullámban szerepelt, a másik két kérdés azonban csak a 8. hullámtól került az alapváltozók közé. Korábban több kritika érte az ESS-t a csupán egy általános elfogadást mérő változó (B34) szerepeltetése miatt, amivel kapcsolatban felmerült, hogy – főként a társadalmi befogadással jobban jellemezhető európai társadalmakban – már nem tudja elég jól mérni a "modern homonegativitás" nehezebben tetten érhető megnyilvánulásait. Célunk, hogy a leszbikus nők és a meleg férfiak társadalmi elfogadottságát vizsgáló európai szakirodalomhoz járuljunk hozzá azáltal, hogy mindhárom változó működését összehasonlítjuk a korábbi empirikus elemzésekben is használt társadalmi-demográfiai háttérváltozók (nem, életkor, lakhely, iskolai végzettség, vallásosság stb.) tükrében. Emellett szeretnénk arra is rávilágítani, hogy milyen összefüggés lehet az azonos nemű párok általi közös örökbefogadás intézményesítettsége, valamint a leszbikus nők és a meleg férfiak társadalmi elfogadottsága között az általunk vizsgált 20 európai országban. Elemzésünk leíró statisztikákra és lineáris regressziós modellekre épül.

Cornelia Möser, Jennifer Ramme, Judit Takács: Paradoxes that matter. Introducing critical perspectives on right-wing sexual politics in Europe -- Monica Cornejo-Valle & Jennifer Ramme: "We don't want Rainbow Terror": Religious and Far-Right Sexual Politics in Poland and Spain -- Ana Cristina Santos: Nothing from them – LGBTQI+ rights and Portuguese exceptionalism in troubled times -- Eva Reimers & Cornelia Möser: The Sexual Politics of National Secularisms in Sweden and France: A Cross-confessional Comparison -- Luca Trappolin: Right-Wing Sexual Politics and "Anti-Gender" Mobilization in Italy. Key Features and Latest Development -- Karin Stögner: Fear of the "New Human" On the Intersection of Antisemitism, Antifeminism and Nationalism in the Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ) -- Erzsébet Barát: Paradoxes of the Right-Wing Sexual and Gender Politics in Hungary: Right-Wing Populism and the Ban of Gender Studies -- Erin Katie Krafft: Paradoxical Sexual and Gender Politics: Projects and Narratives of Russia's Far-Right -- Ulrieke M. Vieten: De-colonialising National(ist) Narratives across the Isle of Ireland: The Right to Same-Sex Marriage and Abortion in Northern Ireland -- Eva Reimers and Olaf Stuve: Paradoxes in Right-Wing Sexual Politics in Europe – Concluding Remarks.

Intro -- Series Editors' Preface -- Acknowledgments -- Contents -- Notes on Contributors -- Abbreviations -- List of Figures -- 1 Paradoxes That Matter: Introducing Critical Perspectives on Right-Wing Sexual Politics in Europe -- What Is Sexual Politics? -- Understanding Right-Wing Sexual Politics -- Conclusion -- References -- 2 "We Don't Want Rainbow Terror": Religious and Far-Right Sexual Politics in Poland and Spain -- Introduction -- Framing Paradoxical Panics -- Actors of Right-Wing Sexual Politics -- Rhetoric of What Crisis? "Culture of Death", "Gender Ideology" and the Doctrinal Language of Fear -- Entangling Ideologies: National Sovereignties, Familism and Christian Supremacy. -- Conclusion: Paradoxical Panics and Transnational Frameworks for Nationalist Agendas -- References -- 3 Nothing from Them: LGBTQI+ Rights and Portuguese Exceptionalism in Troubled Times -- Introduction -- Before and After: The Road to LGBTQI+ Politics in Portugal2 -- Right-Wing Populism Against Sexual and Gender Diversity and the Awakening of the Far Right -- Only a Drop Now… But Will It Pour? LGBTQI+ Concerns Over the Far Right in Portugal -- Just Around the Corner? Concluding Remarks -- References -- 4 The Sexual Politics of National Secularisms in Sweden and France: A Cross-Confessional Comparison -- Introduction -- Sweden: A Self-Proclaimed and Confident Feminist Nation -- Anti-Gender Discourses and Right-Wing Nationalism Gaining Ground in Public Discourses and Politics -- A Slow and Gradual Discursive Shift -- France: Sexual Singularity as a National Programme -- The Sexual Politics of La Manif Pour Tous and the Front National -- Classical Racism in a Homotolerant and Feminist Guise -- Instrumentalized Feminism? -- Secularisms and nationalist sexual politics in Sweden and France-a comparative perspective -- Conclusion -- References.

<p>In this article, we connect illiberal populism in Hungary with the instrumentalizing of genderphobia through state policies starting from 2010. This became especially salient during the COVID-19 pandemic when a contentious state of emergency laws enabled the government's ruling by decree. Analyzing relevant pieces of legislation and policy documents, we show how genderphobia became a fundamental feature of an expanding far-right agenda that has been playing out in practice since the System of National Cooperation was established in 2010. Genderphobia is the aversion to disrupting dominant gender and sexual hierarchies, by addressing and critically interrogating gendered differences and gender as a social construct. Genderphobia is both an ideology about the fearfulness of gender as well as the action of fear-mongering for political effect. State institutions are gendered and sexualized in that they have been structured on dominant gender and sexual norms that reinforce male and heterosexual dominance. We argue that genderphobia is evident in the rise of anti-LGBTIQ policies and contributes to the weakening of democratic and liberal institutions in Hungary. We will also present examples of the Hungarian government's attempts to monopolize the definition of "the family" and hollow out the social representation of child protection. In addition, we will explore resistance against the recent anti-LGBTIQ policies through children's literature. Our aim is to demonstrate how the Hungarian genderphobic policies ultimately deny not only LGBTIQ human rights but the existence of LGBTIQ youth and children who could benefit from social support as well as representation in education and literature.</p>