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The purpose of this paper is to specify the conditions in which parents influence the party identification and certain issue attitudes of their adolescent children (recent high school graduates). The nature and extent of the parent-adolescent attitude correspondence is first established. Next, parental as opposed to environmental explanations for this correspondence are considered. Finally, the effects on parental influence of family interaction, political interest, issue salience to the parent, and accuracy of the adolescent's perception of the parental attitude are analyzed. Issue salience and perceptual accuracy are found to have strong effects; the other variables have lesser or no effect. When issue salience and perceptual accuracy are held constant in a multivariate equation, the beta weights indicating the influence of the parent attitude on the attitude of the adolescent are very similar for all issues and party identification. It is concluded that idiosyncratic variations in successful parent-child attitude transmission can be explained by a general equation.

Although scholars have described how legislative efforts to spur bipartisanship fare, we have little knowledge about how bipartisanship can affect political opinions with their rhetoric or the most impactful message for opponents to respond. Using President Obama's bipartisan speech to the GOP House Issues Conference in 2010, we look at the effect of the one-sided message on President Obama's favorability rating. We then pair this message with three competing messages of varying partisanship to determine the degree of change (if any). The results show that the President's one-sided message is effective, but if met with a competitive bipartisan message from the opposition party, approval of the President by all partisan groups increases even more. However, if the President's bipartisan message frame is met using a partisan message from the opposition party, the President's approval declines among all partisans, and approval of the Republicans in Congress increases but only for Republican identifiers.

Most research has shown little association between regime type and public-policy outputs. In this article we employ a multivariate model and year-by-year data from 1960-1980 in Latin America to analyze the relationship among regime type, regime age, and public policy. The analysis shows regime type to be significantly associated with policy in five areas, with regime age have an additional independent effect in several of these areas.

Providing an in-depth analysis of public opinion, including its origins in political socialization, its role in the electoral process, and the impact of the media, American Public Opinion goes beyond a simple presentation of data to include a critical analysis of the role of public opinion in American democracy.

Providing an in-depth analysis of public opinion, including its origins in political socialization, its role in the electoral process, and the impact of the media, American Public Opinion goes beyond a simple presentation of data to include a critical analysis of the role of public opinion in American democracy. New to theTenth Edition Updates all data through the 2016 elections and includes early polling through 2018. Pays increased attention to polarization. Adds a new focus on public opinion and immigration. Covers new voting patterns related to race, ethnicity, and gender. Reviews public opinion developments on health care. Expands coverage of political misinformation, media bias, and negativity, especially in social media. Defends political polling even in the wake of 2016 failings.

Proponents of charter schools credit them with many advantages over traditional schools. One claim is that school choice yields increased parental participation in voluntary school activities—which we shall call education‐related social capital. In this article we test for the independent effect of school choice on education‐related social capital, controlling for general social capital and other potentially confounding variables. Studies of school choice invariably show that choosing parents have a greater level of general social capital than non‐choosing parents. Consequently, any increase in education‐related social capital could be spurious—due to the fact that choice parents start with atypically high levels of general social capital. We find under controlled conditions that school choice has a small but statistically significant effect on education‐related social capital. However, its effect is considerably smaller than for general social capital, as well as for other traditional predictors such as parental education and the school‐related home resources that parents may provide.