Suchergebnisse

"The responsibility to protect (R2P) is at a crossroads, the latest in a journey that is only ten years old. This book present debates on the prevention of mass atrocities to R2P's normative prospects. The book addresses key questions as a way to inform and drive on-going conversations about R2P. Moving beyond well-rehearsed debates about the tensions and meanings around sovereignty in R2P practice, the book focuses on advancing the credibility of the preventive dimensions of R2P, whilst simultaneously examining the extent of R2P's current value-added in state decision making--especially for the 2011 actions in Libya and Cote d'Ivoire. Questions addressed include : did the R2P framework of the 2005 World Summit Declaration intend to mould sovereignty, and if so how? Can R2P break or revert cycles of violence? How can one determine the appropriate duration and timing of the preventive and protective phases of R2P? Who/what should be the targets of preventive action, and how does this have an impact on R2P diplomacy? Under which conditions are particular policy tools likely to be effective? Which state and regional actors are best suited to using these tools? What are the barriers to successful preventive action--how can they be overcome? What capacities need to be built (at the national, regional, and international levels) in order to operationalize R2P's preventive agenda? Examining a wide range of countries, this work will be essential reading for students and scholars of international human rights, international organizations, peacekeeping and conflict resolution."--

1. UN roles and principles governing multilateral assistance / bjørn Skogmo -- 2. Evolution of the UN development system / Craig N. Murphy -- 3. Drivers of change for the UN's future role / Richard O'Brien -- 4. Funding the UN system / Silke Weinlich -- 5. Evaluating the UN development system / Robert Picciotto -- 6. Making the UN more transparent and accountable / Richard Golding -- 7. Aligning UN development efforts and peacebuilding / W. Andy Knight -- 8. The economics of peace : is the UN system up to the challenge? / Graciana del Castillo -- 9. Can peacebuilding drive the UN change agenda? / Michael von der Schulenburg -- 10. The UN and the post-2015 development agenda / David Hulme and Rorden Wilkinson -- 11. "We the peoples" in the UN development system / Roberto Bissio -- 12. Revisiting UN development : the prospects for reform / Cecile Molinier and Stephen Browne -- Conclusion : Post-2015, can change happen? / Stephen Browne and Thomas G. Weiss.

This volume explores in a novel and challenging way the emerging norm of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P), initially adopted by the United Nations World Summit in 2005 following significant debate throughout the preceding decade. This work seeks to uncover whether this norm and its founding values have resonance and grounding within diverse cultures and within the experiences of societies that have directly been torn apart by mass atrocity crimes. The contributors to this collection analyze the responsibility to protect through multiple disciplines-philosophy, religion and spirituality, anthropology, and aesthetics in addition to international relations and law-to explore what light alternative perspectives outside of political science and international relations shed upon this emerging norm. In each case, the disciplinary analysis emanates from the global South and from scholars located within countries that experienced violent political upheaval. Hence, they draw upon not only theory but also the first-hand experience with conscience-shocking crimes. Their retrospective and prospective analyses could and should help shape the future implementation of R2P in accordance with insights from vastly different contexts. Offering a cutting edge contribution to thinking in the area, this is essential reading for all those with an interest in humanitarian intervention, peace and conflict studies, critical security studies and peacebuilding.

With the appointment of Justices Gorsuch and Kavanaugh to the Supreme Court, jurists in the mould of Justice Scalia, textualism and originalism are more prominent then ever before. These justices insist that in interpreting the Constitution, they focus on text while other justices neglect the Constitution. In 'The (Un)Written Constitution', George Thomas reveals that textualists and originalists rely on unwritten understandings that shape their reading of the Constiution's text.

With the appointment of Justices Gorsuch and Kavanaugh to the Supreme Court, jurists in the mold of Justice Scalia, textualism and originalism are more prominent then ever before. These justices insist that in interpreting the Constitution, they focus on text while other justices neglect the Constitution. In The (Un)Written Constitution, George Thomas reveals that textualists and originalists rely on unwritten understandings that shape their reading of the Constiution's text. Our most pressing debates over how to interpret the Constitution are debates about unwritten ideas, not the text. And these debates have been with us from the creation of the Constitution to the present.

With the appointment of Justices Gorsuch and Kavanaugh to the Supreme Court, jurists in the mould of Justice Scalia, textualism and originalism are more prominent then ever before. These justices insist that in interpreting the Constitution, they focus on text while other justices neglect the Constitution. In 'The (Un)Written Constitution', George Thomas reveals that textualists and originalists rely on unwritten understandings that shape their reading of the Constiution's text.

"This book examines the ideas of the Founders with regard to establishing a national university and what those ideas say about their understanding of America. It offers the first study on the idea of a national university and how the Founders understood it as an important feature in an educational system that would sustain the American experiment in democracy. Their ideas about education suggest that shaping the American mind is essential to the success of the Constitution and that this is something that future generations would need to continue to do"--

Contents -- Preface -- Introduction -- 1 Madison's Complex Constitutionalism -- 2 Congress, the Supreme Court, and the Meaning of the Civil War Amendments -- 3 The Progressive Reconstruction of American Constitutionalism -- 4 Discontinuities in the "Constitutional Revolution of 1937" -- 5 Unsettling the New Deal and the Return of Originalism -- Conclusion -- Notes -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- R -- S -- T -- U -- V -- W -- Y

Abstract
In the Classical and Christian Origins of American Politics: Political Theology, Natural Law, and the American Founding, Kody Cooper and Justin Dyer argue that the classical Christian Natural Law tradition is the central tradition shaping the American political order. Rejecting the scholarly consensus that the American founding was shaped by multiple traditions, Cooper and Dyer see continuity from Aristotle to Aquinas to the founding generation. This argument far exceeds the evidence: It is unpersuasive at the level of ideas, but it is even less compelling considering the epic political conflicts that surrounded these ideas—conflicts that were responsible for the genesis of Enlightenment ideas about religious liberty. Both liberalism and civic republicanism, to take the two leading schools of thought, emerged in response to conflicts over theology among the different sects of Christianity. Yet Cooper and Dyer's analysis obscures the political conflicts that were an essential feature of creating the American political order. To argue that Christianity and political theology had an important influence on thinking during the founding era, we must wrestle with what type of Christianity and political theology? How did understandings of Christianity and political theology change in their encounter with Enlightenment thinking? Cooper and Dyer do not attend to these questions. Yet such questions are all the more important given the rise of Christian nationalism and Catholic integralism, which would return us to pre-Enlightenment understandings of religious liberty that are profoundly at odds with the American experiment and the religious pluralism that stems from it.