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Many protesters under authoritarian rule are "narrow in scope, involving only one or a few neighborhoods, villages, or groups of laid-off workers" and focus on demands that "have to do only with material interests and local grievances" (Lorentzen, 2013, p. 131). These protests typically blame local authorities and express loyalty to the political system. However, in the internet age, pro-democracy advocates often endorse and co-opt these local policy protests for their own ends. Does being endorsed by pro-democracy activists undermine support for these local policy protesters? Building on research suggesting that non-activists often perceive activists as extreme, I theorize that associating with pro-democratic frames can undermine support for local policy protesters by making the protesters seem more extreme and their protests less legal. Using an internet survey experiment in Vietnam, I find support for my argument. These findings highlight a challenge to building pro-democracy coalitions under authoritarian rule.

This article examines how Vietnam's 13th Politburo elected in 2021 affects citizens' willingness to raise their voices about policy issues through extra-institutional channels such as protests, petitions, and social media. I argue that an exceptionally high number of public security figures in the Politburo reflected the concerns of the Communist Party's Central Committee over regime-destabilizing grassroots activism. Using an online survey experiment administered to 1500 Vietnamese citizens, which manipulates the information on the repressive nature of the public security institution and police representatives' backgrounds, I find that a heavy police representation in the 13th Politburo makes respondents less likely to sign petitions, share their concerns on social media, and take to the streets to voice their discontent with the government. My findings suggest that single-party regimes can reverse democratic development, particularly the participation dimension, through strategic leadership arrangements.

PurposeDespite the important role of distrust in predicting the intention to use, existing literature has not studied the impact of distrust on the buyer's integration with suppliers and their e-procurement usage in the B2B context, creating major gaps in the e-procurement theory. The purpose of this paper is to fill the gaps in the literature by examining the role and impact of distrust in the e-procurement context.Design/methodology/approachData were collected through a web-based survey of purchasing professionals in the USA. ANOVA was used to compare the level of distrust among companies. In addition, the measurement model and hypotheses were tested using the structural equation modeling method.FindingsEmpirical findings indicate if buyers have uncertainty or negative expectation on the reliability and capability of the supplier in e-procurement systems, they would tend to hesitate to use e-procurement for purchasing. Furthermore, distrust also inhibits buyers from strengthening the supplier integration through sharing operational and logistics information and collaborating in new product development and purchasing process.Research limitations/implicationsThis paper discovers the vital role of distrust in the e-procurement context. Distrust has a significant impact on a company's cooperation and commitment with business partners. Additionally, to improve the supplier integration, it is important not only to use e-procurement applications but also to have a mechanism to lower the buyers' distrust level in e-procurement systems.Practical implicationsRealizing the important role of distrust, e-procurement vendors could improve the supplier selection process by allowing buyers to review the supplier's reliability and capability, and to interact with the supplier before making any online purchase. Vendors could also build a better supplier verification system and collaborative mechanism to reduce buyers' distrust issues.Originality/valueDespite the important role of distrust in predicting the intention to use, existing literature has not studied the impact of distrust on the buyer's integration with suppliers and their e-procurement usage in the B2B context, creating major gaps in the e-procurement theory. This paper fills the gaps in the literature by examining the role and impact of distrust in the e-procurement context.

Este artigo aborda o confronto entre a alta teoria social de Bourdieu e um público desarmado para apropriar-se de sua visão sobre a dominação simbólica e a desigualdade social: os alunos imigran- tes de classe baixa de escolas secundárias localizadas na periferia urbana em declínio da Grande Paris. Através de um intenso trabalho de campo sociológico, proponho uma observação empírica da recepção social da obra de Bourdieu. Questiona o risco de comportamentos sem sentido para alunos e professores, já que a teoria de Bourdieu está indo contra o grão meritocrático necessário na sala de aula e explora o significado subjetivo da teoria da dominação para indivíduos dominados, entre aceitação e negação. Este estudo mostra que, nos banlieues franceses é criado um sentimen- to individual e precário de autoempoderamento.

Despite the focus in the extant literature on the significance of institutions to the stability of nondemocratic regimes, little attention has been paid to the relationship between institutionalization and authoritarian legitimation. In a review of three recent works, the article proposes the importance of considering this relationship alongside analyses of institutional change within the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Based on Max Weber's conceptualization of the rational‐legal basis of legitimate domination, the article thus examines the extent to which institutionalization contributes to the legitimacy and durability of the CCP. Through a survey of the relevant scholarship, the article finally suggests that institutions under the CCP lack the high degree of "calculability" required under Weber's definition of rational‐legal institutions, which raises questions regarding their ability to command "legal authority."

L'article, à travers une étude de cas d'un ancien émeutier, envisage la participation aux émeutes urbaines comme un moment biographique, situé et situant, et une expérience personnelle, signifiante et significative. Il rend compte « par le bas » et de façon rétrospective du sens de l'évènement pour ceux qui l'ont fait exister. Se dégagent une métaphysique des émeutes - où l'expérience de la mort et de l'interpellation policière renvoie à un sentiment d'insécurité symbolique exacerbé, une poétique des émeutes – où la dimension festive, cohésive et transcendante est tout aussi centrale – et une politique des émeutes – où se conjuguent révolte contre « le pouvoir », impératif de visibilité et cynisme stratégique, dix ans après.

Le film français Le Goût des autres fut un énorme succès commercial et critique à sa sortie en 2000. Dans le même temps Pierre Bourdieu gagnait une audience, qui devait aller bien au-delà de la sphère universitaire de la sociologie. Le film a souvent été présenté comme une illustration créative et singulière de la théorie de « la violence symbolique », de la construction sociale des goûts esthétiques et de l'illégitimité culturelle, présentant Le Goût des autres comme un « film sociologique » innovant. Néanmoins, cette affinité entre le film et la théorie de Pierre Bourdieu a toujours été prise pour un acquis sans avoir été analysée sociologiquement. Cet article tente a contrario de décrire la dynamique entre la fiction et la sociologie 1) en enquêtant sur la façon dont la sociologie a pu influencer le processus de production du film, à partir d'un entretien mené avec la réalisatrice ; 2) en réfléchissant sur la façon dont la « règle du jeu » narrative du film peut questionner et interroger la sociologie. Le premier axe montre comment la connaissance sociologique a pu être intériorisée à travers les spécificités d'une trajectoire biographique, marquée par l'expérience du désajustement social, le second montre comment la fiction peut illustrer efficacement des phénomènes sociologiques spécifiques, à savoir l'expérience du vacillement social , le jeu des mises à distance sociales tacites et réciproques et les signes du possible improbable .