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The subject matter of this paper, in general, is federalism in India. Three recent instances of the impact of Article 356 - the 'Emergency Provisions' - are analyzed to study two questions. How is federalism affected when different political parties are in power in the States and at the federal level, and does the current coalition government's experience help or hinder federalism? As to the first question, the two States of Jharkhand and Bihar, with particular emphasis on the latter, in the aftermath of the 2005 elections are examined. In both cases, it was blatant federal intervention that led to the dismissal of the duly elected governments in these States solely on political considerations and the advice of the Governors who were appointed by the federal government. The third is the case of the State of Uttar Pradesh where in 2006-2007 an attempted use of this Article was thwarted by the Election Commission. As to the second question, the use or the very threat of using Article 356 to dismiss duly elected State governments under the pressure of coalition partners at the Centre does not augur well for constitutional government or coalitions, and certainly not for federalism. In any case, Indian federalism lives up to the moniker as pointed out by C. H. Alexandrovictz that it is sue generis. (Asian J Polit Sci/NIAS)

This article focuses on regime corruption in India where politicians use, or abuse, the political, legal and constitutional systems for partisan and personal gain. (Asian J Polit Sci/NIAS-Han)

The United Progressive Alliance led by the Congress Party is facing problems with the Communist Party of India as an alliance partner and the Bharatiya Party as an obstructionist opposition. Issues as corruption and "tainted" ministers has got to be dealt with. (DÜI-NIAS-Han)

Much has been written on corruption in the Third World.Studying the phenomenon of transnational corruption, however, is fraught with many shortcomings. The insidious corruption of subverting the regimes or abusing the constitution for political or partisan gain is paid little attention. This article analyses corruption in India within its social cultural, and political contexts. The workings of the various anti-corruption measures are also examined. The concept of regime corruption is studied. The article concludes that curbing corruption largely depends upon the social attitudes. In particular, the political parties should not only take the blame for the current situation, they should also play an active role in correcting the pernicious practice of corruption. (Asian J Pol Sci/DÜI)

India, having declared its independence in 1947, needed to reform the administrative structure and procedures that it inherited from its colonial master. This article looks at the current experience in this regard. It starts from the premise that the activity of the state is largely a function of the philosophical underpinning of the role of the state, which in turn dictates the extent of administrative activity and challenges its capacity. Thus, any major philosophical departure should also result in a shift in the administrative apparatus to carry on successfully various reforms in the society. This article compares the past and present philosophical bases, and examines whether the administrative changes introduced have been effective or not and the reasons for their level of effectiveness. However, this article is not concerned with evaluating the relative merits and demerits of past and present philosophies. The limited inquiry here pertains to whether the change in philosophy led to a change in the administrative style, or whether the same people are being asked to perform different tasks without improved or different preparation. (Asian J Polit Sci/DÜI)