Suchergebnisse

The paper deals with the reception of J. S. Mill's writings by contemporary Serbian intellectuals. As shown in the paper, the impact that Millean ideas made on many important Serbian politicians and philosophers from all parts of the political spectrum was broad and profound. Special attention is paid to the work of liberal and socialist thinkers, notably Vladimir Jovanović and Svetozar Marković. The influence of Mill's ideas on Serbia's political development is also examined, as well as how Mill's attitude towards the question of women's rights impacted contemporary Serbian political thought.

Svetozar Marković eksplicira stav da se reprodukcija stanovništva analizira kao važno društveno pitanje. U "teoriji o umnožavanju ljudstva", koja je nastala kao kritika Maltusovih teorijskih shvatanja, polazište čini razmatranje odnosa demografskog rasta i ekonomskog i tehnološkog razvoja.
U skladu sa socijalističkim i marksističkim shvatanjima Marković analizira komponente i dinamiku rasta stanovništva i determinističku osnovu modela reprodukcije. Demografski rast jedne populacije treba da bude ekonomski racionalan, ali isto tako treba da se store uslovi humanizacije reprodukcije stanovništva. Proces emancipacije žene, kao subjekta rađanja, poboljšanje njenog socijalnog statusa u ekonomskom, političkom i kulturnom smislu, uz akcenat na jačanje procesa obrazovanja predstavljaju polaznu osnovu za staranje humanijih uslova reprodukovanja populacije. U složenom determinističkom spletu nivoa rađanja prožima se uticaj demografskih, ekonomskih, socijalnih, socijalno-psiholoških i sociokulturnih činilaca.
Sa aspekta problema preobimnog rađanja stanovništva ključnu ulogu imaju proces obrazovanja i emancipacija zene. To su sociokulturni činioci čije bi delovanje trebalo da omogući smanjivanje nivoa rađanja.

The sources of the ideology of Serbian Radicalism were twofold: imported and domestic. The imported (or foreign) influences came in three major waves: 1) European (especially Russian) socialist, anarchist, and populist traditions mainly influencing the group round Svetozar Marković and covering the period described as rudimentary Radicalism; 2) strong influence of the French Radical movement both in terms of political programme and organization; 3) British parliamentary and constitutional theory, fully accepted by the Radicals in Serbia by the late 1880s. The ideas drawn from European political experience needed to be transformed, changed, and adapted to suit the specific Serbian political environment. The internal (or domestic) sources of Radicalism were the specific political circumstances of Serbian society political expressions emerging from the ruler, on the one hand, and from political parties, on the other, fundamentally influenced and modified the Radical ideology.

Razlikujući idealnu od tipske države, Slobodan Jovanović govori o nastanku države, njenim elementima i zadacima, odnosu države i prava, državnim savezima i saveznoj državi. Dok se individualistička, liberalna škola, štiteći ekonomsku slobodu i princip slobodnog tržišta, protivi državnom intervencionizmu, Jovanović smatra da država ne sme ostati neutralna, jer se tržišna utakmica ne vodi samo između pojedinaca, već dolazi i do sukoba različitih klasa, koje teže da potčine jedna drugu. Međutim, Slobodan Jovanović je negirao eksploataciju seljaka o kojoj je govorio Svetozar Marković, jer između činovnika i seljaka ne postoji veza ekonomske zavisnosti, kao u odnosu radnika i vlasnika sredstava za proizvodnju. Jovanović se bavio i analizom političkih stavova Pere Todorovića i jednog od vođa Napredne stranke Milana Piroćanca, ali i izučavanjem ideja Platona, Makijavelija, Berka, Marksa. Jovanović ističe da Platonova država ima malo veze s demokratskim političkim uređenjem, ali u pogledu stepena slobode vrši poređenja s ideologijama XX veka, fašizmom i boljševizmom. Dok sličnost s fašizmom proističe iz suprotstavljanja demokratskom individualizmu, i boljševizam, kao i Platonov idealizam, se protivi plutokratiji i zagovara diktaturu manjine. Prosvetiteljska filozofija, njeno idealističko verovanje u razum, odbacivanje tradicije i iskustva, uz Rusoovsko shvatanje antropološkog optimizma, bili su pokretač francuskih revolucionarnih težnji. Nasuprot apstraktnih revolucionarnih načela slobode, bratstva i jednakosti, Edmund Berk prednost daje istoriji, tradiciji i iskustvu. Istražujući srpsko ustavno pitanje tokom XIX veka, Slobodan Jovanović analizira društveno-političke okolnosti nastanka ustavnih tekstova, teorijske uticaje, strane uzore, ali i delovanje velikih sila prilikom pisanja ustavnih nacrta i u prvim danima njihovog važenja.

Cover -- Half title page -- Title page -- Copyright page -- Contents -- Introduction by International Initiative -- One: Jumping on the Bus by John Holloway -- Two: Öcalan, European Law, and the Kurdish Question by Norman Paech -- Three: A Grand and Comprehensive Dialogue by Ekkehard Sauermann -- Four: Preface to The Road Map by Immanuel Wallerstein -- Five: Prologue to Abdullah Öcalan's The Road Map to Negotiations by Arnaldo Otegi -- Six: From World System to Democratic Civilization by Barry K. Gills -- Seven: "A Prisoner Who Is Becoming Mythical" by Antonio Negri -- Eight: Abdullah Öcalan by Peter Lamborn Wilson -- Nine: Öcalan's Manifesto and the Challenge of Transcending Centricity by Donald H. Matthews and Thomas Jeffrey Miley -- Ten: Historiography, Gender, and Resistance by Muriel González Athenas -- Eleven: Reading Öcalan as a South Asian Woman by Radha D'Souza -- Twelve: "There Can Be No Utopia or Reality That Is More Ambitious Than This": The Democratic Modernism of Svetozar Marković and Abdullah Öcalan by Andrej Grubačić -- Thirteen: Imaginary Dialogues with Öcalan: Updating Critical Thinking by Raúl Zibechi -- Fourteen: Making Connections: Jineolojî, Women's Liberation, and Building Peace by Mechthild Exo -- Fifteen: Öcalan as Thinker: On the Unity of Theory and Practice as Form of Writing by David Graeber -- Sixteen: Rojava or the Art of Transition in a Collapsing Civilization by Fabian Scheidler -- Seventeen: When Öcalan Met Bookchin: The Kurdish Freedom Movement and the Political Theory of Democratic Confederalism by Damian Gerber and Shannon Brincat -- Eighteen: Re-enchantment of the Political: Abdullah Öcalan, Democratic Confederalism, and the Politics of Reasonableness by Patrick Huff -- Nineteen: The Theology of Democratic Modernity: Labor, Truth, and Freedom by Nazan Üstündağ.

Between the years 1870 and 1914, leftist intellectuals in the Kingdom of Serbia theorized and promoted a project of Balkan Federation as a strategic priority in the social, economic, and political transformation of the region. This article offers a genealogy of these federalist ideas and places them in dialogue with rival projects of regional unification in the Balkans and Eastern Europe during the long nineteenth century. It begins by developing a typology of federalist projects in Europe, categorizing these according to the underlying models of sovereignty upon which they were founded. I identify four categories: revolutionary-republican, imperial-reformist, imperial-irredentist, and revolutionary-social. Instead of organizing these federalisms according to their authors' ideological commitments (socialist, nationalist, pan-Slavic) or their geographic scope (Balkan, Danubian), the article argues that examining their respective models of sovereignty offers intellectual historians a more productive approach to identify the unexpected convergences and divergences of federalist projects during this period. The article then moves into a discussion of the development of Serbian socialist ideas of Balkan Federation, beginning first with the work of Svetozar Marković (1846–1875) and then turning to the writings of the fin de siècle Social Democratic Party in the decade before World War I. Situating this genealogy of socialist Balkan federalism in its broader European intellectual milieu, I use the above typology to identify the ways in which Serbian socialists converged and diverged from contemporary federalist projects, including the reformist ideas of the Austro-Marxists, the irredentist strategy of the Serbian Progressive Party, and the republican ideas of Karel Kautsky.

1. Political obligations / R.M. Hare -- 2. Being free to speak and speaking freely / Stephen E. Norris -- 3. Respect for persons and social protest / Edward Kent -- 4. 'Bad day at Big Rock' : the assessment of political confrontations / L.J. MacFarlane -- 5. Rights of persons and the liberal tradition / Ruth Anna Putnam -- 6. The theory of the collapse of capitalism / Lucio Colletti -- 7. Alienation as a social and philosophical problem / Adam Schaff -- 8. Philosophical foundations of economic and political self-management / Mihailo Marković -- 9. Stalinist party-commitment and communist dignity / Svetozar Stojanović.

This volume presents and illustrates the development of the ideologies of nation states, the "modern" successors of former empires. They exemplify the use modernist ideological framaeworks, from liberalism to socialism, in the context of the fundamental reconfiguration of the political system in this part of Europe between the 1860s and the 1930s. It also gives a panorama of the various solutions proposed for the national question in the region

Diese Dissertation bietet eine Darstellung und Analyse der Handlungsfelder serbischer Frauen. Dabei werden die Frauenbildung, das Engagement von Frauen in sozialkaritativen und patriotischen Frauenvereinen, sowie ihre Teilnahme an den zwischen 1876 und 1918 geführten "Befreiungskriegen" thematisiert. Das Problemfeld von Nation und Geschlecht ist für Serbien fast völlig unbearbeitet. Die vorliegende Untersuchung geht den folgenden Fragen nach: Wie partizipierten Serbinnen am Prozess der Nations- und Nationalstaatsbildung? Welche Weiblichkeits- und Männlichkeitsbilder wurden im Nationsbildungsprozess verwendet? Auf welche Art und Weise partizipierten sie an den Kriegen und unterstützten das Militär? Wie wirkte sich der "Große Krieg" auf die Geschlechterordnung in Serbien bzw. Jugoslawien aus? Da die für Frauen zentralen politischen, kulturellen und ökonomischen Wandlungsprozesse im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert in der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft der Städte stattgefunden haben, konzentriert sich auch diese Darstellung auf den städtischen Raum und seine Bewohnerinnen. Das bäuerlich-ländliche Frauenleben wird nur kurz angerissen. Die Arbeit nimmt den weiblichen Gruppenbildungsprozess in den Blick, der innerhalb einer schmalen bürgerlichen Schicht stattfand. In den westeuropäischen Ländern entstanden die ersten Frauenvereinigungen am Ende des 18. bzw. zu Beginn des 19. Jahrhunderts. Serbien, dessen Bevölkerung mehrheitlich lese- und schreibunkundig war und von einer ländlichen Subsistenzwirtschaft lebte, folgte mit einer zeitlichen Verzögerung von mehreren Jahrzehnten. Um 1900 war in allen diesen Ländern ein dichtes Netz unterschiedlichster Frauenvereine anzutreffen. Anfang des 20. Jahrhunderts stieg auch in Serbien die Zahl der Frauenvereine, die sich in einem Dachverband zusammenschlossen. Dieser Bund trat den internationalen Frauenorganisationen bei.:Inhaltsverzeichnis Vorwort 5 Einleitung 7 Ziel der Arbeit 13 Die Gliederung der Arbeit 16 Forschungsstand 17 Zur Quellenlage 20 Teil A Nation und Geschlecht in Serbien von der Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts bis zum Ende des Ersten Weltkrieges 24 I. Grundlagen 25 I. 1. Historischer Hintergrund: Von den serbischen Aufständen bis zum Ende des Ersten Weltkrieges (1804–1918) 26 I. 2. Demographischer und sozialer Wandel 42 I. 2. 1. Territorium und Bevölkerungsentwicklung 42 I. 2. 2. Sozialer Wandel 49 II. Die Lage der Frauen in der serbischen Gesellschaft 54 II. 1. Die Bauernfamilie 55 II. 2. Die Rechtsstellung der Frauen nach dem Serbischen Bürgerlichen Gesetzbuch (1844) und dem Strafgesetzbuch (1860) 60 III. Die Anfänge des weiblichen Engagements (ca. 1850–1870er Jahre) 67 III. 1. Der Hintergrund: Die Anfänge des Vereinswesens 68 III. 2. Die "Vereinigte Serbische Jugend" 72 III. 2. 1. Die Frauen in der "Omladina" 75 III. 2. 2. "Liebe Schwestern! nicht nur die Söhne, sondern im gleichen Maße auch die Töchter, gehören zu unserem Volk": Die erste serbische Frauenrechtlerin "Schwester Draga" 85 III. 2. 3. Svetozar Marković und die Frauenfrage 89 III. 3. Die Geschichte des serbischen Frauenvereinswesens in Südungarn 95 IV. Handlungsfelder der serbischen Frauenbewegung 105 IV. 1. Bildung (1846–1914/18) 106 IV. 1. 1. Grundschulen für Mädchen 106 IV. 1. 2. Die höhere Frauenbildung 109 IV. 1. 3. Die Frauenfachschule (Radnička škola) des Belgrader Frauenvereins 118 IV. 1. 4. Der Universitätszugang 122 IV. 1. 5. Weibliche Schul- und Berufserfahrungen 128 IV. 2. Sozialkaritatives Engagement und wirtschaftliche Förderung (1875–1914/18) 139 IV. 2. 1. Der Belgrader Frauenverein 139 IV. 2. 1. 1. Die Heimindustrie 143 IV. 2. 1. 2. Die Förderung der Heimindustrie: Der Pazar 145 IV. 2. 2. Mutterschaft – eine soziale Funktion 152 IV. 3. Frauen in der städtischen Gesellschaft 157 IV. 3. 1. Frauen und urbane Geselligkeit: Der Salon (Poselo) 157 IV. 3. 2. Frauen und Öffentlichkeit: Domaćica 165 IV. 3. 3. "Gott beglücke mein Volk, dem ich sechs Kinder geschenkt habe": Frauen in der Ehe 172 IV. 4. Frauen und nationale Mobilisierung (1875–1914/18) 188 IV. 4. 1. Patriotische Wohltätigkeit: Der Belgrader Frauenverein 188 IV. 4. 1. 1. Die erste Schirmherrin des Belgrader Frauenvereins: Die Königin Natalija Obrenović 191 IV. 4. 1. 2. Die Kriege von 1877/78 und 1885/86 195 IV. 4. 2. Arbeit an der Nation: Das Engagement des Damenausschusses "Fürstin Ljubica" in "Altserbien" und Makedonien 199 IV. 4. 3. An der Seite von Nation und Armee: Der "Kranz der serbischen Schwestern" 208 IV. 4. 4. Jüdische Frauen und Nation 226 IV. 4. 5. Intellektuelle Frauen und nationale Agitation: Das Beispiel Isidora Sekulić 232 IV. 4. 6. Wird jeder Serbe als Soldat geboren? – Patriotisch-wehrhafte Männlichkeitskonstruktionen 241 IV. 4. 7. Kämpfende Frauen: "Amazonen" 254 IV. 4. 8. Zwischen national-patriotischen und frauenspezifischen Anliegen: Der Serbisch-nationale Frauenbund 261 V. Zwischenfazit 279 Teil B Nation und Geschlecht im Zwischenkriegsjugoslawien 282 I. Grundlagen 283 I. 1. Entstehung und Entwicklung Jugoslawiens (1918–1941) 284 I. 2. Demographischer und sozialer Wandel 293 I. 2. 1. Territorium und Bevölkerungsentwicklung 293 I. 2. 2. Sozialer Wandel 297 II. Die Lage der Frauen in der jugoslawischen Gesellschaft 304 II. 1. Die Bauernfamilie 305 II. 2. Die Rechtsstellung der Frauen 313 III. Die jugoslawische Frauenbewegung 322 III. 1. Akademische Bildung, Berufsleben, Berufsverbände 323 III. 2. Politische Partizipationsforderungen: Kampf um das Wahlrecht 335 III. 3. Zwischen traditionellem Patriotismus und Jugoslawismus, zwischen Feminismus und Sozialismus 354 III. 3. 1. Nationaler Unitarismus 355 III. 3. 2. Die Emanzipation der patriarchalen Gesellschaft 366 IV. Zwischenfazit 384 Zusammenfassung 390 Abkürzungsverzeichnis 393 Quellen und Literatur 394 Quellen 394 Literatur 399 Verzeichnis der Karten, Tabellen und Graphiken 410 Verzeichnis der Abbildungen 412

deologically speaking, the initiators of founding all the political parties in Serbia were young intellectuals educated abroad. The ideology of political liberalism was brought to Serbia by young knowledgeable people educated in the West: Milovan Janković, Jevrem Grujić, Vladimir Jovanovic, Stojan Bošković, Filip Hristić, Đorđe Cenić and many more who published and initiated liberal-democratic ideas during the Peter Assembly in 1848. Only with St Andrea Assembly in 1858 did the Serbian Civil rebirth begin. During this assembly two political groups finally divided: the liberals and the conservatives. The most important attainment of the St Andrea Assembly in 1858 was the Act of National Assembly. This act initiated the introduction of the representative system in Serbia. In political history, the period from 1858 to 1869 represents the birth of the representative system in Serbia. The introduction of the representative system in Serbia by the Constitution of 1869 created the necessary political preconditions for organizing modern political parties. Regular political elections and participation of the Parliament in the legislative process resulted in a easier binding of the like-minded politicans with their political liders to whom it was important to strenghten their bonds with their electors. The fact that the constitutional elections took place every three years and that the Assembly took place every year led to the strenghening of the political parties in the state, since more thriving layers of society started entering the National Assembly, the delegates who infuenced the political life. After the Constitution of 1869 was enforced, the liberals are gathered under Jovan Ristić, and later the young oppositional conservatives are gathered. In the same time a third political party emerged, the supporters and followers of Svetozar Marković. The organized political parties did not emerge immediately after the Regent's Constitution although it guaranteed a selection of political rights and freedom necessary for the emergence of the political parties, such as voting right, the freedom of speech and the freedom of press. This poses a question why did it never happen? The answer is to be looked into the intention of the Regency and later Regent Milan to unable the education of the political parties. In a situation when the Regency was closer to conservative than liberal ideas, it was hard to discuss organized political parties. The non-existence of political discipline as well as well political programs adversely affected the emergence of modern political parties. 277 Assembly Elections of October 1874 had a great impact on the history of political parties in Serbia. After the elections, a few political parties emerged in the Assembly: St Andrea Liberals under Jevrem Grujić, Libears under Ristić, Conservatives under Jovan Marinović, the beginnings of Young Conservatives and People's Party of the future Radicals. The organizing of political parties was sped up by young intellectuals gathered round the paper "Videlo" and connected with the People's party in the National Assembly. The beginning of 1881 saw the emergence of modern organized political parties in Serbia: People's Radical Part, Progressive Party and Liberal Party. Until that period delegates in the National Assembly mainly performed individually, and after 1881 they perform in accordance with political program, respecting political discipline. In view of organization and the functioning, the radicals went further, because they realized that organization is of utter importance for successful functioning and development of political parties. Pera Todorovic was given most credit for organizing the Radical Party. His organization contributed a round of hierarchical organizational units starting with local committees in every small town, counties, and to the Main Committee as the supreme organ of the party. Speaking about organization of the other two political parties it could be said that they too emerged with statues similar to the radical one. However, they never occupied such number of members as the Radical Party. The main characteristic of the political life in Serbia during the 80s of the 19th century consisted of bitter fights between the Radical and the Progressive Party in which King Milan Obrenovic sided with the Progressive Party. He was the reason why the radicals, although during the period 1882-1883 in majority, they never succeeded to come to power nor for the years to come. Dedicated to unable radicalism in Serbia, Milan showed even greater resistance toward the liberal reforms and greater affection toward emergence of personal regime. After the Timok Rebellion many radical leaders were convicted for many years, and the political leader Nikola Pasic was in emigration. Among the radicals, involving even those in the custody, slowly awareness was raised that the accord with the crown was necessary. Treaty with the radicals was initiated by King Milan so as to reinforce his personal strength, decreased in the war with Bulgaria. Although hungry for power, the radicals denounced the king's offer in Nis at the beginning of 1886. Radical leaders signed a treaty with liberals instead of progressives in 1887. The King did not have many possibilities, either to give radicals power and concede defeat or to draw back. Radical-liberal coalitional government gave great attention to the constitutional problem solving. Due to the fact that the first coalitional government was short-lived, it did not solve any problems. Similar situation happened with the first homogenous radical government that did not succeed anything more than its program, due to the fact that it was smothered by the King Milan's party. The Constitutional reform of 1888 had a big impact on political and constitutional life of Serbia. The multiannual struggle of the People's Radical Party was crowned by passing the constitution by the principle of majority. 278 The position of the Radical Party is changed from the ground, because it came to power and made its own cadre consisting of young intellectuals. Oversight over the whole work of the radical government from 1889 to 1892 shows that the radicals on the one hand showed great effort to introduce the constitution into the political life of Serbia, and on the other to limit the ruler's power. However, it is important not to forget the fact that the parliamentary regime on whom so many radicals insisted was more and more changing into a totalitarian one-party system. The parliamentary system that enabled the absolute power of the Radical Party in all state institutions was short-lived. King Alexander had an immense wish to stop as soon as possible with all the new-laid things that were introduced by the parliamentary system and that is the reason he was constantly fighting with the political parties and very frequently insisted on coup. In 1894 he suspended the 1888 Constitution and reenacted the 1869 one. After that, a regime based on self-will came to power, which lasted until 1901, year when King Alexander passed a new constitution. Political life in time of self-willed regime of king Alexander was very tough, because the ruler denounced the parties with the basic idea: "to renounce with parliamentarism if we wish to arrange this state properly". The last Obrenovic tried to denounce the existence of the Constitution, the government and the National Assembly by conducting various experiments. His "neutral" governments, which consisted of unforced political personnel, were under his impact. The whole political system turned round one political person, the king, which succeeded in dividing and manipulating the political parties. Neutralizing the People's Radical Party dominance could not have lasted any longer, due to the fact that it was impossible that the party with the biggest support be in opposition any longer. The king's wedding to Draga Masin represents a turning point in political life of Serbia. The shackles of the self-willed regime started to diminish, because the king wanted "to please the parties and the nation, so that they would accept the queen." The king's compromise with the strongest party in the country did not achieve results, due to the fact that among them existed huge differences in view of "state conceptions". The radicals advocated for parliamentary monarchy in which the power would belong to the most popular party, whereas the crown advocated the constitutional monarchy in which the ruler would be a puppet in enforcing the power of the National Assembly. Co-operational politics between the king and the radicals were short-lived, since it turned out that the representatives of the two opposite state conceptions were incapable of reaching an agreement. Shorty, the king realized that the treaty with the radicals was impossible to be kept and decided to return to previous politics, as before signed by the treaty in 1901. The renewed return to the self-willed regime sped up the preparations of the conspirators that in the night of May 28th/June 10th/ May 29th June 11th staged a coup.