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AbstractThe sense of smell seems to have resisted the kind of objective measurement process that might have facilitated settling competing claims about offensive smells by applying a general rule or standard. As a result, authorities,including courts,cannot avoid making subjective judgements of taste. A nuisance lawsuit out of Ontario regarding a mushroom farm, or rather its smells, is used here as one source of material about the difficulties of adjudication in this subfield of the "law of the senses." Attention is also paid to a curious quasi-judicial entity, Ontario's Normal Farm Practices Protection Board, charged with resolving, mainly through mediation, disputes about farm smells between farmers and non-farming neighbours. Overall, the article shows that the ex post facto, situated and complaint-driven logic of nuisance that nineteenth-century law used to govern offensive noises as well as nasty smells, and which left plenty of room for subjective judgements of taste, keeps reappearing in the present day. Nasty smells seem particularly impervious to modernization, that is to being managed through objective measurement and preventive regulation.

The forms of political populism that are flourishing around the world, in extreme rightwing versions, but also in left-wing versions, are often dismissed as ignorance, fake news, and demagoguery. However, those analyses often focus only on the content of the claims made by populist leaders rather than on the forms of «veridiction» and the ethical practices and forms that constitute «populism». In this article some theoretical tools borrowed from Foucault's diverse work on «veridiction» and truth-telling, and also from Adorno's 1960s critique of existentialism, are deployed to try to understand the forms and techniques that constitute populist leaders as «authentic» and thus as close to the people and as not contaminated by discredited institutions. Authenticity is created through very specific forms of truth-telling, as is shown with the example of the late mayor of Toronto, Rob Ford.

Las formas de populismo político que están floreciendo en todo el mundo, en versiones de extrema derecha, pero también en versiones de izquierda, a menudo se consideran como ignorancia, noticias falsas y demagogia. Sin embargo, ese tipo de análisis a menudo se concentran en el contenido de las afirmaciones de los líderes populistas, sin prestar atención a las formas de «veridicción» y a las prácticas éticas que constituyen el «populismo». Este artículo toma algunas herramientas teóricas de los diversos trabajos de Foucault sobre la «veridicción» y la verdad, y también de la crítica de Adorno al existencialismo, para tratar de comprender las formas y técnicas que constituyen a los líderes populistas como «auténticos», y, de este modo, como cercanos a la gente e incontaminados por instituciones desacreditadas. La autenticidad se crea por medio de formas muy específicas de decir-la-verdad, como se muestra en el ejemplo del fallecido alcalde de Toronto, Rob Ford. ; The forms of political populism that are flourishing around the world, in extreme rightwing versions, but also in left-wing versions, are often dismissed as ignorance, fake news, and demagoguery. However, those analyses often focus only on the content of the claims made by populist leaders rather than on the forms of «veridiction» and the ethical practices and forms that constitute «populism». In this article some theoretical tools borrowed from Foucault's diverse work on «veridiction» and truth-telling, and also from Adorno's 1960s critique of existentialism, are deployed to try to understand the forms and techniques that constitute populist leaders as «authentic» and thus as close to the people and as not contaminated by discredited institutions. Authenticity is created through very specific forms of truth-telling, as is shown with the example of the late mayor of Toronto, Rob Ford.

The forms of political populism that are flourishing around the world, in extreme right-wing versions, but also in left-wing versions, are often dis- missed as ignorance, fake news, and demagoguery. However, those analy- ses often focus only on the content of the claims made by populist lead- ers rather than on the forms of 'veridiction' and the ethical practices and forms that constitute 'populism'. In this article some theoretical tools bor- rowed from Foucault's diverse work on 'veridiction' and truth-telling, and also from Adorno's 1960s critique of existentialism, are deployed to try to understand the forms and techniques that constitute populist leaders as 'authentic' and thus as close to the people and as not contaminated by dis- credited institutions. Authenticity is created through very specific forms of truth-telling, as is shown with the example of the late mayor of Toronto, Rob Ford—in analysis with broader implications.

The forms of political populism that are flourishing around the world, in extreme right-wing versions, but also in left-wing versions, are often dismissed as ignorance, fake news, and demagoguery. However, those analyses often focus only on the content of the claims made by populist leaders rather than on the forms of 'veridiction' and the ethical practices and forms that constitute 'populism'. In this article some theoretical tools borrowed from Foucault's diverse work on 'veridiction' and truth-telling, and also from Adorno's 1960s critique of existentialism, are deployed to try to understand the forms and techniques that constitute populist leaders as 'authentic' and thus as close to the people and as not contaminated by discredited institutions. Authenticity is created through very specific forms of truth-telling, as is shown with the example of the late mayor of Toronto, Rob Ford—in analysis with broader implications.

In Canada as in other (post)colonial settings, courts have been facing the challenging task of redefining both substantive aboriginal legal rights and evidentiary rules that now look ethnocentric. Recent litigation has shown that while rights claims made by indigenous collectives are difficult to make and sustain in court, the newly revived doctrine of the Crown's inherent 'honour' can work for aboriginal peoples precisely because the Crown's honour is, as it were, self-acting. But the neo-medieval discourse of the Crown coexists, in the text of Canadian courts, with discursive practices that enact a contemporary, pluralistic, socially aware form of judicial anthropology. These two wholly conflicting representations of the Canadian state live happily side by side in current Canadian judicial discourse. This easy eclecticism stands in marked contrast to the difficulties and embarrassments experienced by aboriginal leaders testifying before judges. The close judicial scrutiny of aboriginal claims contrasts with the tolerance of major epistemological contradictions in the state's discourses about itself.

This essay is a personal reflection on the absence of the Spanish civil war refugees from the cultured public's collective memory of the place where Walter Benjamin died.

Since the 1980s, critical studies of law and space have fruitfully explored the insight that law's mechanisms can be understood in part as mapping exercises. Existing work on law's scales (especially that using a post-colonial studies frame) has delved into the qualitative as well as the quantitative dimensions of scale, thus exposing some key epistemological issues in law. This article moves the discussion forward by demonstrating that theoretical work on `scale' — outside and inside legal studies — could benefit from studying specifically legal mechanisms such as `jurisdiction'. Recent work has shown that the various modes and rationalities of governance that coexist in every political-legal `interlegality' are not necessarily tethered to any particular scale; thus, exploring jurisdiction's effects takes us beyond scale. As an example, the knowledge moves that constitute what in the USA is called `the police power of the state' are briefly discussed. The fact that the gaze of police science/police regulation is not simply geographically local, but is rather specifically urban, shows the importance of understanding the complex governing manoeuvres enabled by the legal game of jurisdiction — especially if work on `scale' and jurisdiction is then supplemented by a consideration of the plural temporalities of governance, since temporality tends to become invisible both in analyses that privilege space and in the somewhat static diagrams of governance that make up the game of jurisdiction.

Purposive Interpretation in Law By Aharon Barak. Princeton, NJ. Princeton University Press. 2005.